Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1982. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-132).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1962. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [136]-142).

No description available.

The purpose of this study is to find what sound practices are available for the promotion of democratic living in the secondary school, and to determine how these practices can be applied to a program of action.

No description available.

The aim of this study is to investigate wether the participatory democracy is a threat or a complement to the representative democracy. To achieve my purpose I will focus on two different lokal councils, the civil council in Hovsjö and the youth council in Västra Skogås, which have been objects of the urban policy in 1998. The theoretical framework on which this study is based consists of the participation democratic theory, representative democratic theory and implementation theory. By problemizing these theoretical frameworks in comparison with eachother I will mapp how these two lokal councils were implemented. The research question is: In what way was the civil council and the youth council a complement or threat to the representative democracy? In which way was it difficult to implement them? The method used for this purpose is a qualitative comparative case study. In this study I derive an ideal type to be able to compare the participatory and the representative democratic theory. Four contrasts between the theoretical frameworks are being studied to investigate whether the two councils has functioned as threats or complements to the representative democracy. The main result of the study is that these two councils met several problems in the implementationprocess. The participation democracy were not able to function as a complement to the representative democracy. In many ways it was a threat but also the actors in the representative democracy were not willing to delegate power and decisions to the citizens.

The Democratic centralism, Chinese communist traced up the soviet regime, is not only the main principle of communist party organizing in china but written on the Chinese constitution for directing the public behavior. Since china communist becoming the national ruler, comrades had devoted their efforts to make sure of the c Chinese communist party could be the only one political party ruler for eternity. The highest political organization is the people representative convention what adapts the way of one that combines the congress and executive department. No matter what the communist party¡¦ s political power or government¡¦ s executive power all have to obey the principle of the democratic centralism converging the political power from basic comrades and local parity organizations to top leadership. So the democratic centralism is not like western democratic, the minor obeys the mass, but the political powers are together upon the leadership. Even though the democratic centralism is helpful to maintain the party¡¦s assertion for the china communist party, the only one political ruler party. Because of political power of leadership has not been restricted resulting in what the regime legitimately has not been convicted. Mao was dead after the china culture revolution had ceased has left the china disarrangement and disable Chinese communist party. All things seemed went to bright side after the new successor, Den, held the leadership and drove whole Chinese economy and political more openness. Since 1978, China goes evolution and keeps the openness policy with two ways, economy and political. The time of planning economy was committed to replace the function of socialization, national distribution, curbing the production resources, all factors depended the Chinese communist party regime no matter what is labors in the city or the farmers in the country. Since openness policy, the marketing economy had replaced the panning economy becoming the main policy and the regime ceased to play the role in distribution of the national resources. People have to make life not depend the regime but maintain the right of political and fight for the political participation. Chinese communist party is afraid of losing her regime, therefore not dare to react the provoking of civilian political demand and consciousness. The dilemma situation turns the discrimination of content and process time table in political and economy comes up. People discontent force the Jiang secretary general to announce¡§ the inner party democracy is the spirit of communist party, demonstrating the public democracy ¡§ for response the requiring of people. Because of the regime losing the ability of introspecting and reacting the political power centralization make a tough problem Chinese communist have to face and try to solute. Through the remedy way of conciliation the relationship between nation and society intent to maintain the one political party authority and relieve regime¡¦s political crisis. Even though, the regime does suffer the turbulence of fighting between the conservative school and evolution school and could not conglomerate whole schools advance forward peaceful. So the regime uses the tiny political evolution in executive department as a buffer of comprising democracy evolution and defensive one party authority. This dissertation try to find out public democracy by the performance of Chinese communist inner democracy through the party¡¦s leader system, decisive, supervising, election, talent selection and political power inherit. The study find out Chinese communist party inner democracy spot on the perfect of executive system for up grade the executive ability and maintain the legitimately. As we knew there are no any relation between the party inner democracy and public democracy.

The aim of the study was to explore the democratic mission of the preschool as expressed in the preschool teachers’ talk and practical work and also through the children’s actions. The goal was to acquire new knowledge about how the democratic mission is carried out in preschool practice and what democratic subjects are supported and developed by the preschool teachers. Field studies were carried out between 2008 and 2010, with a concentration in spring 2009. The study included 5 preschool teachers and 20 children aged 3-6. Observations were made during the teachers’ planning meetings, when they worked with the children and when the children were playing or acting on their own. Two focus group interviews with the preschool teachers were also carried out, and local documents, for example work plans and evaluations, were analyzed. The results indicate that there has been a shift in view from group orientation in the preschool to greater focus on the individual child. In the analysis of the democratic subjects it was clear that much of what happens in the preschool is focused on individual children rather than the children as a group. In summary, preschool teachers speak of the democratic mandate as important but difficult to implement in their daily work. Children’s influence and participation are set up as goals in the work plan, but the preschool teachers do not feel they come to fruition in the pedagogical practice. Still, they define and condition children’s influence and they do work at the task, seemingly unconsciously, in practice. For their part, the children often seize opportunities when they arise but they also create their own. They take initiative and present ideas about what they want to do in preschool. It even turned out they had influence far beyond the preschool walls. / Förskolans demokratiuppdrag beskrivs som centralt och viktigt men hur omsätts det i praktiken? Hur ser förskollärarna på det de förväntas göra, hur arbetar de med detta i förskolans vardag och hur går det att förstå ur ett barnperspektiv? Observationer har genomförts på en förskoleavdelning med barn i åldern 3-5 år. Förskollärarna har intervjuats och förskolans olika dokument har analyserats. Syftet var att undersöka förskolans demokratiuppdrag så som det kommer till uttryck genom förskollärares tal och handlingar och genom barns agerande i förskolans verksamhet. Resultaten visar att förskollärarna framförallt förstår demokratiuppdrag i förskolan som en fråga om barns möjligheter till inflytande- ett villkorat inflytande. Barnen tar, inom ramen för de villkor som ställs upp, vara på de möjligheter till inflytande som ges. Bland annat genom att ta egna initiativ, göra motstånd under planerade aktiviteter och utmana de regler som finns på förskolan. Analysen visar också att förskollärarna har en komplex syn på det demokratiska subjekt som eftersträvas. Det ses som individualistiskt ur vissa aspekter, barnen ska kunna stå för sina egna åsikter, det ses som socialt, barnen ska lära sig att lyssna på andra, och det ses också som politiskt, barnen ska kunna vara med och påverka verksamheten genom att själva handla. Som ett didaktiskt bidrag presenteras en ny analysmodell; Institutionella demokratihändelser.