This thesis investigates how changing Vietnamese state control over the Vietnam-China border has impacted cross-border trade networks and livelihoods of border residents in Lao Cai province, North Vietnam. The investigation uses information from qualitative research with 91 marketplace traders and border officials at four crossing points in the province. I find that state control over the border and cross-border trade has increased as this trade has been progressively brought within legal parameters from 1954 to 2005. / By taking a commodity chain approach to investigate the trade networks of three locally produced goods that move across the border I discuss the complex interactions of state policy, social relations and location factors in shaping contemporary cross-border trade. This investigation suggests that state policy to encourage small scale cross-border trade and new tradable commodities are increasing the livelihood options available to border residents in the province.

The purpose of this study is to predict and evaluate whether the participation of the churches in the South Kivu region during the period 1996-2006 in rebuilding broken intercommunity relations and addressing problems of conflict has made any tangible contribution to final outcomes of the political crisis that led to the elections in the DRC in 2006 elections. The study submits the collected data composed of religious, archival documents drawn from the church participation in armed-conflict problem resolution, religious essays and interview response data to careful analysis in order to distil an appropriate practical theological framework methodology for the investigation. A qualitative approach was used in collecting data because the practical theological methodology applied by previous studies in this field endorses this approach as the most appropriate methodology for this type of research study. In its application of the practical theological framework, the study adopted a collaborative approach as opposed to participation involving only churches. The following findings and conclusions have emerged from the analysis of the data collected for the five subtopics - regional politics, social responsibility, peace and reconciliation, insecurity, and cultural transformation - which constitute Chapter Five: Findings and Conclusion. 1. Regional politics The churches' response to the political bungling that characterised the period 1996-2006 was initially confined to verbal criticism devoid of concrete efforts which finally matured into practical theological implementation measures that addressed the intercommunity relations rebuilding and reconstruction of collapsed socio-economic and political structures 2. Social responsibility The churches' successful collaboration with local and human rights international bodies led to resolution of many conflict problems and the provision of many social services for the victims of the conflicts. 3. Peace and reconciliation The study reveals that the churches' efforts towards peace and reconciliation through various church functions in disseminating their moral messages proved very effective in addressing problems and encouraging peace between conflicting political platfonns. 4. Insecurity Church organisations, particularly the Catholic Church, cooperated with the Security Council to enhance security measures in the areas affected by the anned conflicts and the churches became places of refuge for internally displaced persons, where the traumatized received spiritual support. The churches' messages of peace influenced some soldiers to renounce anned violence and to become re-integrated into civilian life. 5. Cultural transfonnation. The church's messages on morality and peace were instrumental in shaping the cultural direction of the inhabitants of South Kivu and succeeded in creating the culture of nonviolent resistance advocated by Ghandi. The study reveals that the churches' efforts towards peace and reconciliation through various church functions in disseminating their moral messages proved very effective in addressing problems and encouraging peace between conflicting political platfonns. resistance advocated by Ghandi. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 1986. / Typescript. Abstract (reprinted in Dissertation abstracts international) inserted. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-252).

Thesis (M.P.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-117). Also available in print.

Thesis (D. Miss.)--Western Seminary, Portland, OR, 2005. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-221).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgetown University, 1986. / Typescript. Abstract (reprinted in Dissertation abstracts international) inserted. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 241-252).

Thesis (D. Miss.)--Western Seminary, Portland, OR, 2005. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-221).

After three hundred and forty-two years of colonialism and apartheid, South Africans of all walks of life experienced their first democratic elections in 1994. Now, as the country is at the precipice of the 5th democratic elections, it has known no government other than the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has had landslide victories at the ballot box and always managed to secure an electoral vote of around 66%. These victories have not been by accident and have been carefully managed through an Alliance Pact with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The nature of the Alliance has infiltrated and influenced the character of contemporary South African public administration. This study postulates vigorously that an alliance is not a coalition, but rather a partnership of ideological semblance and political decorum. This is most significantly expressed through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The study further elucidates the notion that the NDR remains the main political artery of the ANC and is seminal in the policy debates and critical platforms for each of the Alliance Partners. The study affirms that irrespective of this convergence of ideology, there is periodic divergence on the leadership role of the ANC viz a viz that of the Alliance as the strategic centre for policy and governance issues. However, the ANC has over the years successfully challenged this assertion and through practice, led the Alliance in a politically driven manner that is predicated on consultation, due diligence and functional purpose. However, any member of the SACP or COSATU who desires to be part of parliament or the executive is required to be a member of the ANC. This, the study asserts, is the new formation of a political partnership. The study adumbrates that the SACP (even though it is registered as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission) and COSATU do not contest elections separately. As part of the agreement, only the ANC contests elections and as such leads the Alliance. While COSATU and the SACP provide advice through Alliance structures on the deployment of cadres in the public service, the deployment committee is an ANC structure and the final decisions in regard to deployment resides with the ANC. This study has reinterpreted the dialogue within the Tripartite Alliance and how this has moulded the political nomenclature of the ANC, and the solidified impact on the way in which public administration is affected and effected in South Africa and vice versa. The study presents with equanimity how the practice, for example, of dual membership of two political organisations (ANC and SACP) enriches the public service and the policy-making process in a developmental state. It furthermore points to the imperative for a clear underlying ideology (as provided for through the NDR) and certainty as to who leads in such an arrangement. This study finds that it is through the Alliance structures that individual leaders within the Governing Party (ANC) are held to account for their actions – and after a hundred years of existence, the ANC and Alliance structures have managed to address the challenges of time, the pressures of political stress and the coalition of a “broad-based political church”. The logic of maintaining this political marriage and developmental triangulation, and also interpreting the essence of consolidating party manifestos to its membership, and further to preserving democratic principles, while at the same time translating this into the action of good governance in South Africa, is complex, yet manageable. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / am2013 / School of Public Management and Administration / unrestricted

This thesis explores the phenomenon of illegal natural resource exploitation in conflict zones and the application of international criminal law, particularly the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to combat the roblem. Contemporary African conflicts, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo conflict explored as a case study herein, have become increasingly distinguishable by the tight connection between war and various forms of illegal natural resource exploitation, particularly targeting valuable and precious mineral resources. With their incidence being highest in Africa, wars funded by illegally exploited natural resources have gradually become one of the greatest threats to regional peace and human security on the African continent. The Congo conflict clearly demonstrated the problematic nature and impact of illegal natural resource exploitation and the widespread human, economic and political costs associated with this phenomenon. This thesis is based on the initial assumption that the quest by conflict actors to profit from war through illegal natural resource exploitation activities is at the centre of the commission of serious human rights violations as well as the complexity and longevity of African conflicts. Developments in international criminal law, culminating in the adoption of the Rome Statute and the establishment of the International Criminal Court, have given impetus to the argument that any group of conflict actors should be subjected to the individual criminal responsibility regime of this legal framework. A further underlying assumption of this thesis is therefore that international criminal law can constrain the acts and conduct defined in this thesis as illegal natural resource exploitation activities since they constitute war crimes under the Rome Statute framework. However, despite illustrating the illegal resource exploitation activities of various state and non-state actors, this thesis is confined to an application of the Rome Statute based international criminal liability regime against members of armed rebel groups involved in such acts. In exploring these issues, this work examines international criminal law institutions and the relevance of international criminal justice in addressing particular phenomena prevalent during African armed conflicts. It further provides the stage to assess the potential of international criminal law in safeguarding natural resources for the benefit of African societies perennially exposed to the depredations of natural resource financed warfare. / Microsoft� Office Word 2007 / Adobe Acrobat 9.53 Paper Capture Plug-in

As the 29-year Duvalier dictatorship ended in 1986, the emergence of Mouvement Lavalas out of the grassroots organizations of Haiti's poor majority, and election of charismatic priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1990, challenged efforts by Haitian political parties and the U.S. foreign policy establishment to contain the parameters of Haiti's democratic transition. This dissertation examines the politics of Lavalas to determine whether it held a particular conception of democracy that explains the movement's antagonistic relationship with the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters. Using the qualitative methodology of process-tracing outlined in the works of Paul F. Steinberg (2004) and Tulia G. Falleti (2006), this study analyzes primary and secondary sources associated with Aristide and the grassroots organizations across the period of contested democratization from 1986 to 1991, with emphasis on four critical junctures: 1) the rule of the Conseil National du Gouvernement; 2) the government of Leslie Manigat; 3) the military regimes of Henri Namphy and Prosper Avril; and 4) Aristide's 8 months in power before being overthrown on September 29, 1991. This study concludes that there were systematic differences in how Lavalas pursued democracy in Haiti, as contrasted to the political parties and U.S. foreign policy-makers. Evidence indicates that while Lavalas placed emphasis on popular mobilization to challenge Haiti's legacy of authoritarianism, the political parties and U.S. democracy promoters emphasized processes of negotiation and compromise with Haiti's anti-democratic forces. Lavalas was rooted in the long historic struggle of the country's poor masses to, not simply establish procedural democracy, what noted political scientist Robert Dahl calls polyarchy, but to expand the parameters of politics to guarantee the right of all Haitians to participate directly in the process of governing, in order to share more equitably in the distribution of national resources, in what critical scholar William I. Robinson calls "popular democracy."