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Public guardians are individuals appointed by the state to care for the interests of incapacitated citizens. The nature and quality of their care is examined at sites in Maryland, Delaware, Tennessee, and Virginia. In the first three states public guardianship programs have been running for at least ten years; in Virginia two pilot projects are currently underway. All sites use different service delivery models. In addition to studying case file notes, public guardians, program supervisors, and wards were observed and interviewed with regard to their background, their views on public guardianship, accountability and effectiveness, and services provided. The aim of this study is to contribute to a better qualitative understanding of how well state public guardian programs intersect intimately with individuals for whom no other responsible decision maker exists. The study concludes with recommendations regarding the roles of the public guardian in improving wards' quality of life through substitute decision making and in enhancing democratic governance to give voice to wards through their own participation in decision making and relationships with their public guardian. / Ph. D.

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No / Incorporated into the discourse of academics, policymakers, and grassroots activists, of multilateral development agencies and local NGOs alike, "civil society" has become a topic of widespread discussion. But is there in fact any common understanding of the term? How useful is it when applied to the South, and what difference does it make to bring the concept into the debate on development? Howell and Pearce explore the complex relationships among civil society, the state, and market in the context of democratic development. Drawing on case studies from Africa, Asia, and Latin America, they also unravel what is meant by development agencies¿bilaterals, multilaterals, NGOs, and international financial institutions, with their diverse approaches and agendas¿when they refer to the urgent need to strengthen civil society.

Rural Haiti provides an excellent case to study the human security crisis threatening women. Haitian women are often single mothers, leading average households of 4-6. In elected positions, female leadership is seldom recognized. With only 3.5% of parliament comprised of female leaders, policies decided at the state level seldom address the challenges women face in the countryside (HDI, 2017). Haiti has the highest mortality rate for children below the age of 5 and expectant mothers in the Western Hemisphere (WHO, 2017). This crisis is a significant one. When a mother struggles, both her life and her child's are threatened. Yet the human security crisis is not all we can learn from rural Haiti. We can also examine the unique ways women have chosen to respond to this crisis and the potential for female democratic agency. There is a significant lack of elected female officials in Haiti. This fact invites us to consider the impact rural Haitian females, such as the famn chay, are potentially making in Haiti. Famn chay are traditional birth attendants who assist mothers in their home deliveries. They are also first responders in times of crisis, providing meals to hungry families and using their collective resources to benefit children in need. Some famn chay, I suggest, are promoting an innovative form of democratic agency through their local community council, konsey kominote. Such form of agency does not focus on formal mechanisms of representation. Instead, threatened by growing social and income inequalities, this particular group has chosen to organize to address the human security crisis currently threatening women in rural Haiti. / MA / The human security crisis threatening women and children in rural Haiti has motivated Haitian traditional birth attendants known as the famn chay, to generate a response relative to the crisis and generate social change. This crisis is a significant one. When a mother struggles in childbirth, both the life of her and her child’s are threatened. Women in rural Haiti also face gender and economic inequalities. Despite these realities, the famn chay have chosen to mobilize and create what is known as a konsey kominote. Konsey kominote are community groups found throughout rural Haiti and are a key entry points for citizen engagement for many rural Haitians. This study seeks to examine the unique ways the famn chay have chosen to respond to the crisis through their konsey kominote and the potential for female democratic agency. There is a significant lack of elected female officials in Haiti. The historical roots of female gender discrimination stretch as far back as Haiti’s independence. By researching the impact rural Haitian females, such as the famn chay, are making in Haiti, we can begin to discover the potential for female democratic agency existing in rural Haiti.

The purpose of this study is to determine some principles of a counseling program which applies the principles of democratic supervision. The major emphasis has been given to an analysis of such a program in the light of accepted principles of democratic supervision.