Theories of nuclear weapons proliferation cannot fully account for the nuances of certain cases because proliferation is a complex process involving numerous variables, the importance of which can potentially shift across time. This seems especially true when applied to the case of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) where motivations have shifted in relevance numerous times in its proliferation history. In order to investigate this, this thesis reviews extant theories of nuclear proliferation and their ability to explain the case of the DPRK by critically examining its historical nuclear progress and nuclear weapons ambitions across time. The result is that indeed, proliferation theories are ill-equipped to completely account for the DPRK’s nuclear choices. The DPRK has ostensibly been motivated by numerous variables at different times, each having varying degrees of influence, inexplicable for mono-causal and often western and ethno-centric accounts of its proliferation motivations.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Aberdeen, 1987. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 381-411).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1992. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 268-278).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Kansas, 1991. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-370).

Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology (Scientific and Technical Intelligence)) Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 1995. / Thesis advisor(,):Peter Lavoy, Vicente Garcia. "September 1995" Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-82). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 269-312).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Texas, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-153).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 350-360).

Este trabalho trata da política externa da República Popular Democrática da Coreia (RPDC-Coreia do Norte) e os efeitos sobre a dinâmica regional do Nordeste Asiático. Especificamente, analisa a mudança de liderança na RPDC, efetivada com ascensão de Kim Jong-Un ao cargo de Supremo Líder em 2011, e os consequentes impactos que essa transição trouxe para as dinâmicas regionais político-securitárias que envolvem a República Popular da China, o Japão, a Coreia do Sul, a Rússia e os EUA. Desse modo, busca atender a dois objetivos básicos. Primeiro, procura avaliar de que forma a ascensão de Kim Jong-Un ao poder altera o quadro político e econômico interno, bem como o perfil de inserção internacional da Coreia do Norte. Segundo, analisa de que modo essa ascensão impacta sobre os padrões de cooperação e conflito que caracterizam o Nordeste Asiático desde o final da Guerra Fria. Para atingir seu objetivo geral, esta pesquisa é guiada por três objetivos específicos. (I) estabelecer uma análise teórico-conceitual acerca dos padrões de cooperação e conflito que caracterizam as relações interestatais no Nordeste Asiático desde o final da Guerra Fria. (II) Segundo, avaliar de que modo o Governo Kim Jong-Un representa uma alteração no quadro securitário, político e econômico interno, bem como na inserção internacional do país. (III) A partir das análises estabelecidas, analisar os impactos que a ascensão de Kim Jong-Un gera sobre a dinâmica regional tendo como base o equilíbrio nuclear e os padrões de cooperação e conflito que prevalecem desde o final da Guerra Fria. / This thesis deals with the foreign policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK-North Korea) and the effects on the regional dynamics of Northeast Asia. Specifically, it analyzes the change of leadership in the DPRK, made possible by Kim Jong-Un's rise to the position of Supreme Leader in 2011, and the consequent impacts that this transition has brought to the regional political-security dynamics involving the People's Republic of China, Japan, South Korea, Russia and the United States. In this way, it seeks to meet two basic objectives. First, it seeks to assess how Kim Jong-Un's rise to power alters the internal political and economic framework, as well as North Korea's international insertion profile. Second, to analyze how this rise has impacted on the patterns of cooperation and conflict that have characterized Northeast Asia since the end of the Cold War. To achieve its overall goal, this research is guided by three specific objectives. (I) to establish a theoretical-conceptual analysis of the patterns of cooperation and conflict that characterize inter-state relations in Northeast Asia since the end of the Cold War. (II) Second, to assess how the Kim Jong-Un Government represents a change in the domestic security, political and economic framework, as well as the country's international insertion. (III) From the analysis established, analyze the impacts that the rise of Kim Jong-Un generates on regional dynamics based on the nuclear balance and patterns of cooperation and conflict that have prevailed since the end of the Cold War.

In examining why the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) pursues nuclear weapons, this study focuses on Pyongyang's consistent demand for normalization of relations with Washington. The primary aims of this study are 1) to study the significance of normalization of relations with Washington as an alternative to nuclear weapon development in the DPRK, 2) to investigate potential causal relationships between Pyongyang's policy choices and Pyongyang's expectation for normalization of relations with Washington, and 3) to examine whether culturally sensitive behavior significantly influences Pyongyang's policy decisions. To understand the significance of normalization of relations and the meaning of Pyongyang's behavior, this study depends heavily on cultural perspectives. In this study, two independent variables are examined for their effects on Pyongyang's policy, 1) Pyongyang's expectation for normalization of relations with Washington, and 2) the alignment of Washington's policy with Pyongyang's cultural code. Two hypotheses emerge from these two factors: first, when Pyongyang had high expectations for normalization of relations with Washington, Pyongyang was more likely to choose engagement policies and give less priority to pursuit of nuclear weapons; and second, the more Washington's policies harmonized with Pyongyang's cultural code, the more Pyongyang cooperated with Washington. Using case studies and discourse analysis, this study examines four periods from 1991 to 2011. Interviews with North Korean defectors and with South Korean experts complement this study of expectation and cultural meaning. The study concludes, first, that normalization of relations with Washington appeared to Pyongyang as a viable alternative to nuclear weapon development in providing a security guarantee and national dignity. Second, during most periods, Pyongyang appeared to believe that it was highly dependent on nuclear weapons for its regime survival when it could not expect the benefits of improved relations with Washington. By the same token, Pyongyang's regime survival seemed less dependent on nuclear weapons when it could expect improved relations with Washington. At some times, however, Pyongyang practiced confrontation as a way to improve domestic stability. But usually high context diplomacy by the United States elicited positive responses.