It is widely acknowledged that mass media play a central role in circulating and disseminating ideas. Particularly in this globalised era, it is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore the role and impact of news media in shaping public opinion worldwide. During the attacks on New York in September 2001, for instance, CNN - the American cable news network - broadcast across the world twenty-four hours, and most of its reports were translated, or interpreted, into other languages, to be aired in other countries in real time. Most people are thus exposed to extensive reporting every day, but they are not necessarily aware that each news institution promotes, or, at least tries to construct, a particular media discourse according to its political or social orientation. Because of the complexity of mass media discourses, however, it is difficult to demonstrate how the language used participates in constructing and disseminating certain ideologies, or to challenge stereotypes and power relationships. This explains why media, news, political and institutional texts are preferred genres for critical discourse analysts. The extensive body of literature on news media discourses and their impact which draws on critical discourse analysis includes Van Dijk (1988), Fairclough (1995b), Al-Hejin (2007), Kim S (2008), among many others. Translation is a major variable that influences the circulation of ideas and ideologies, and translational choices can participate in provoking (or diffusing) political conflict. At the same time, translation may also challenge dominant discourses. Baker (1996: 14) acknowledges the power of translation, arguing that translation and the study of translation have been used as a "weapon in fighting colonialism, sexism, racism, and so on". And yet, most research on news discourse has so far tended to examine monolingual texts, rather than multilingual texts, including translations, despite the fact that numerous news reports are translated from one language into another on a regular basis. Critical approaches to language study have occasionally been used to investigate translation, in order "to reveal how translation is shaped by ideologies and in this way contributes to the perpetuation or subversion of particular discourses" (Olk 2002: 101), but such studies have remained restricted in scope. Drawing on corpus-based methodology and critical discourse analysis, this study examines US and South Korean news stories published in mainstream media with a view to identifying specific discursive practices relating to North Korea and how they are mediated in translation. The study attempts to analyse the relationship between textual features and practices specific to each news outlet. The corpus for this study consists of two separate sub-corpora, designed and compiled according to the same criteria and specifications: one made up of news texts originally written in English, and the other consisting of translated texts which include English source texts and the target texts translated from English into Korean. The texts are drawn from Newsweek/Newsweek Hangukpan and CNN/CNN Hanguel News. It is hoped that this study will enhance our understanding of some of the ways in which particular media discourses are constructed, disseminated and mediated via translation.

This thesis uses ideas found in Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punish and related works as a theoretic framework for examining daily life in North Korea to understand what type of disciplinary techniques North Korean citizens are subjected to by the North Korean state. This paper will define several disciplinary strategies discussed by Foucault and then show how these strategies are deployed against the North Korean population through multiple examples. Analysis will demonstrate that these disciplinary strategies prevent political instability and suppress ideas dangerous to the North Korean regime, even while the North Korean regime fails to provide basic services for its population. As a result, the reader will have a better understanding of why the North Korean people seem so disciplined and do not rebel against the North Korean regime in the face of state-made disasters and hardships. / Master of Arts

Yes / This paper develops a novel approach to understanding North Korea's nuclear policy on the basis of conflict transformation theory. By conceptualizing the situation on the Korean peninsula as a protracted conflict (either between the DPRK and the Republic of Korea or North Korea and the United States), new insights into the nature of the protracted cycle of engagement and conflict with North Korea can be developed. In this context, the role and trajectory of the nuclear program can be analyzed and both the failure of and the need for arms control negotiations understood. The paper shows that the use of conflict transformation theory provides an analytically coherent explanation of North Korean security policy and foreign policy behavior that fits the empirical evidence more closely than alternative approaches. The paper assesses the current policy of "strategic patience" vis-à-vis North Korea and demonstrates how it is based on false assumptions and involves risks that need to be addressed by the United States and the international community. This paper presents a novel approach to analyzing the puzzle of North Korean foreign policy behavior with important implications for understanding the nature of the conflict and possible conditions for its resolution. / This article was originally published in North Korean Review, Vol. 13, No. 1 (2017), by McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers.

No description available.

Art has the ability to give voice to the vast number of ordinary citizens suffering undertotalitarian rule in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, both past and present. Thispaper uses a mixed-analysis approach to examine three selected examples of visualrepresentations concerning the North Korean Refugee Movement in order to illustrate howArt functions as a strategic component of C4D, and how it can be effectively used by socialmovements as a way of framing movements’ identities in collective action, promotingawareness and enhancing resource mobilisation through the emotive communication ofknowledge. Art has been found to play an important role in the communication and transferof knowledge by creating powerful emotions and providing a voice to the otherwisevoiceless. Visual texts can be used strategically by social movements in the area of C4D toreinforce/create a collective identity and aid in movement participation by enhancingsolidarity and self-assurance while creating motivation for collective action.

There has been a long history of violence between North and South Korea since the end of the Korean War in 1953 and North Korea is still a current threat to the South due to their missile launches and naval clashes. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the interactions between North and South Korea from 1998 to 2006 and answer the question: What accounts for the difference in responses to North Korean threats by South Korean presidents from the same party with similar stands toward North Korea? Although South Korean Presidents Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun shared similar approaches to North Korea, why did they not always respond in the same way? To answer this question, I examine a case in which North Korea test-launched a rocket and a case in which North Korean vessels cross the Northern Limit Line during each administration. By comparing these cases, I explain why the presidents continued their engagement policy and refrained from condemning the North in all but the case of the 2006 missile test. I test a set of explanations made by experts for South Korean approaches to North Korea to see which explanation best fits each case. I argue that each response was due to a combination of explanations rather than one single explanation. Even though each explanation had some merit, some explanations were more applicable than the others. Both Kim and Roh expressed concern over North Korea due to security and economic concerns. However, as the years and threatening behavior went on the public and international community started to take a greater notice to North Korea's activity and wanted the South Korean government to take action. As a result, public opinion and international pressure partially influenced Roh to shift his responses towards North Korea and halt aid after the 2006 missile launch. / Master of Arts

Cette thèse vise à explorer le rôle de l'Europe dans la crise nord-coréenne dans la période allant de 1995 à 2009. Nous postulons que le rôle de l'Europe dans cette crise a été sous-évalué dans les recherches précédentes, principalement en raison de leur approche traditionnelle, privilégiant une perspective réaliste et étato-centrique. Dans cette thèse, le terme d’«Europe» est utilisé dans un sens opérationnel et se réfère à un ensemble d’acteurs européens comprenant non seulement l’UE et ses États membres, mais aussi les Etats européens non membres de l'UE et les acteurs non étatiques européens. Par ailleurs, nous proposons un nouveau cadre d'analyse – la diplomatie européenne à voies multiples –, afin de réexaminer le rôle de l'Europe dans cette crise. Dans ce cadre, nous tentons de déterminer si la «multiplicité» des acteurs européens est un avantage comparatif dans sa tentative de contribuer à la résolution de cette crise. A cette fin, nous procédons à une analyse qualitative composée de deux sous-études de cas. La première consiste à étudier le rôle de l'Europe dans la crise nucléaire nord-coréenne, tandis que la deuxième examine son rôle dans la crise humanitaire nord-coréenne. Cette analyse permet de conclure que la diplomatie à voies multiples, fondée sur la multiplicité des acteurs européens, a permis à l'Europe d'influencer la crise nord-coréenne. Les différentes formes d'interactions et de relations entre des acteurs européens, en particulier entre les acteurs officiels et officieux, dans les crises nucléaire et humanitaire nord-coréennes, entrent en corrélation avec les résultats variables de l'influence européenne dans la résolution de ces deux crises. / This thesis aims at exploring the role of Europe in the North Korean crisis during the period from 1995 to 2009. We posit that the undervalued profile of Europe in this crisis in the previous research is mainly due to the realist, state-centred and EU-centred bias of mainstream research, overlooking the overall role of multiple European actors. While the term ‘Europe’ in this thesis is operationalized to refer to a set of multiple European actors, including not only the EU and the EU Member States but also the non-EU European states and the European NSAs, we propose a new analytical framework – European Multi-Track diplomacy – to re-examine the role of Europe in this crisis. Within this framework, we investigate whether the ‘multiplicity’ of European actors, as a distinguishing feature from other international actors in this crisis, is a comparative advantage for Europe to influence this crisis by raising three research sub-questions concerning actors, relationships and influence. For this, a qualitative case study, divided into two sub-cases in a case-within-a case approach is conducted as follows: Europe in the North Korean nuclear crisis; Europe in the North Korean humanitarian crisis. The conclusion drawn from these two sub-case studies is that the European Multi-Track diplomacy based on the multiplicity of European actors made it possible for Europe to influence the North Korean crisis. The different ways of interactions and relationships among multiple European actors, particularly between Track One and Track Two actors, in the North Korean nuclear and humanitarian crises are correlated with the different results of European influence to these two crises.

Politics has been an integral part of Korean football since the Japanese colonial era when the game became a vehicle for the Korean independence movement. The split between North and South Korea following the Korean War further accentuated the intrusion of politics into the domain of Korean football. As Koreans residing on either side of the border followed the game with intense interest and often regarded performance in international competition as a signifier of national prestige, the governments of both North and South Korea attached more importance to football than to any other sport and became its foremost patrons. In these circumstances it is not surprising to find that the relative performance of the national teams of North and South Korea mirrored changing economic and political conditions. Thus the rapid rise of North Korean football in the 1960s was a reflection of the state’s systematic and successful postwar reconstruction. Since the 1980s, however, South Korea, with its booming economy, has clearly surpassed its increasingly impoverished northern counterparts in the football field. Undoubtedly, the most two important events pertaining to the development of Korean football were the 1966 and 2002 World Cups. They provided occasions when nationalist sentiment could be expressed through football in both North and South Korea. They also provided opportunities for Korean footballers, through their achievements on the field, to show that the gap between the traditional periphery and core of world football was narrowing. At the same time, participation in competition at this level, whether by teams from North or South Korea, suggested that there was a recognizable and distinctive Korean football style nurtured in training camps where the emphasis was on producing players with sufficient stamina to run at their opponents for ninety minutes. Tireless running football has been the characteristic of successful teams from both North and South Korea. Thus, while recognizing the profound ideological differences that separate North and South Korea, this thesis also emphasizes the football tradition and culture that ethnically homogenous Koreans have in common.

Having conducted a successful long range ballistic missile test in December 2012 and a third nuclear test in February 2013, North Korea increasingly poses a security threat to Northeast Asia. Given these heightened escalations, the international community has come to depend more and more on China’s potential to influence North Korean behavior. Beijing’s unique leverage is based on the historical bilateral relations between the two countries in addition to China’s sole willingness to support the North Korean regime. Therefore, the following paper seeks to determine whether China’s North Korea policy shifted during the consecutive Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping administrations in response to North Korean provocations. Ascertaining China’s North Korean paradigm is constructive and worthwhile in order to understand the future development and hopeful resolution of the North Korean security dilemma. In order to better examine the two administrations, the paper first defines China’s strategic interests regarding the Korean peninsula. Song Jooyoung’s dual threats model and Taewan Kim’s politico-economic linkage model are then used to assess the different factors that influenced China’s decision-making process when deciding whether to maintain its support after each North Korean provocation. Analysis of the two administrations reveals that Beijing’s underlying foreign policy objective of stability remains unchanged. On the other hand, unyielding North Korean provocations have forced Beijing to reassess its current policy of bolstering the North Korean regime toward the end of the Hu administration and even more so during the current Xi administration. In addition, North Korean actions in defiance of China’s public warnings illustrate a North Korea diverging from its usual subservience to Chinese influence. More importantly, the defining reason for the shift in China’s policy is the fact that North Korean behavior undermines Beijing attempts to posture itself as a responsible global power in addition to fulfilling its own strategic interests. Assessing China’s North Korean paradigm is meaningful due to Beijing’s capacity to resolve the North Korean security dilemma. Although skeptics question whether China will ultimately break from its customary support for North Korea due to fears of damaging instability, increasingly public statements rejecting North Korean provocations signal the Xi administration’s recalibration.

Šio magistro darbo objektas – Korėjos Liaudies Demokratinės Respublikos (toliau Šiaurės Korėja) branduolinė programa ir jos keliamos grėsmės tarptautiniam saugumui. Pastarosios yra nagrinėjamos pasitelkiant realizmo teoriją ir jos atstovo Hans J. Morgenthau sisteminį ir nesisteminį požiūrį į valstybę, R. Cooper senosios ir naujosios pasaulio tvarkos sąvokas, Šiaurės Korėjos reakcijas į tarptautinės bendruomenės galios demonstravimą tarptautinėje arenoje. Taip pat analizuojamos tarptautinės bendruomenės pastangos spręsti susidariusią situaciją plėtojant daugiašalius santykius (dėmesį sutelkiant į keturšales ir šešiašales derybas). Šiame darbe yra teigiama, jog Šiaurės Korėja traktuoja tarptautinę aplinką kaip priešišką sau, nes vis dar grindžia savo politiką senosios pasaulio tvarkos koncepcija, t. y. Šaltojo Karo laikotarpio nustatytomis taisyklėmis, todėl daugiašalės derybos netenka prasmės. Galiausiai yra pateikiamos įžvalgos, kaip ateityje gali klostytis įvykiai Korėjos pusiasalyje. Darbą sudaro trys pagrindinės dalys. Pirma – realizmo teorijos analizė pasitelkiant Hans J. Morgenthau sisteminį ir nesisteminį požiūrį į valstybę. Antra – Šiaurės Korėjos branduolinės programos įtaka tarptautiniam saugumui. Trečia – daugiašalių santykių neefektyvumo priežastys, Šiaurės Korėjos reakcija į tarptautinės politikos pokyčius ir ateities perspektyvos. Darbe pateikiama sutrumpinimų rodyklė ir priedai. / The object of this major thesis is the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea’s (North Korea) nuclear program and the threat it possesses to international security. The latter are being analyzed within realism theory and Hans J. Morgenthau’s systemic and non-systemic view to the state, R. Cooper’s new and old world order concepts, North Korea’s reactions to international community’s power demonstration in international system. Also, the analysis of international community’s efforts to deal with the emerging situation through multilateral negotiations is being carried out (concentrating the attention to four and six-party talks). In this thesis the statement is being made, that North Korea is viewing international system as rival to her, because it still forms politics according to the old world order concept, that is according to the rules that emerged during Cold War, and this is why the multilateral talks most of the times are meaningless. Lastly, the insights to the future events in Korea peninsula are being proposed. The thesis is composed of three parts. In the first part the analysis of realism theory according to Hans J. Morgenthau is being carried out. In the second part the influence of nuclear North Korea’s program to international security is pointed out. The third part tells why multilateral negotiations were not effective, what is the North Korea’s reaction to the changes in international politics and the future perspectives are being told. This analysis includes... [to full text]