This thesis uses ideas found in Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punish and related works as a theoretic framework for examining daily life in North Korea to understand what type of disciplinary techniques North Korean citizens are subjected to by the North Korean state. This paper will define several disciplinary strategies discussed by Foucault and then show how these strategies are deployed against the North Korean population through multiple examples. Analysis will demonstrate that these disciplinary strategies prevent political instability and suppress ideas dangerous to the North Korean regime, even while the North Korean regime fails to provide basic services for its population. As a result, the reader will have a better understanding of why the North Korean people seem so disciplined and do not rebel against the North Korean regime in the face of state-made disasters and hardships. / Master of Arts

Notre travail a pour objet d'étudier la construction identitaire des fils et/ou filles de ceux que les sociétés argentine et chilienne nomment aujourd'hui les « disparus ». Une notion nécessairement complexe, lorsque l'on sait qu'elle fait aujourd'hui référence à toute une politique de répression, de torture et d'extermination massives et systématiques, mises en place par les juntes militaires parvenues au pouvoir à partir de 1973 (Chili) et 1976 (Argentine). Cet héritage familial a impliqué, pour la « deuxième génération », une déconstruction et reconstruction de la vérité, ainsi que le tissage de tout un réseau d'éléments identificatoires et mémoriels. Dans ce parcours identitaire sinueux et complexe, chacun s'efforce également de développer une forme de résilience / We will focus on studying the identity construction of the sons and/or daughters of those who are nowadays called « the Missing » by the Argentinian and Chilean societies. An inevitably complex notion, when we know that it refers to a whole policy of repression, torture and systematic mass extermination, organized by the military juntas who reached power from 1973 (Chile) and 1976 (Argentina). For the « second generation », this family legacy implied reconstructing the truth as well as weaving a whole network of memory elements. In this sinuous and complex identity quest, they also gradually develop some resilience.

Esta pesquisa parte da observação de algumas poéticas artísticas contemporâneas que têm experiências e/ou memórias a respeito de Estados de exceção como objeto central de seus trabalhos. A investigação baseia-se na hipótese de que esses trabalhos de arte podem ser percebidos também como espaços para elaborações de memórias, e que a partir dessas construções mnêmicas as identidades sociais fraturadas durante esses momentos de exceção podem ser reestruturadas. A cada uma dessas poéticas artísticas propõe-se a denominação de \"arte da elaboração\", conceito formulado nesta pesquisa tendo por base dois dos usos que o termo \"elaboração\" recebe na teoria psicanalítica freudiana. / This research has as a starting point the observation of some poetics contemporary art that present experiences and/or memories concerning the States of exception as the main object of their work. This critical study is based on the hypothesis that these works of art can also be interpreted as spaces for the elaboration of memories and that these mnemonics constructions lead to a reconstruction of social identities fractured during the moment of exception. For each of these works of art the name \"elaboration\"s art\" is suggested. This concept is adopted in this research and is based on two different appliances of the term \"elaboration\" that can be found in the Freudian psychoanalytical theory.

<p>The meaning that Justice has after a conflict in a society might vary regarding the political development and cultural and shared values of a certain society.</p><p>Rawls, in his Theory of Justice gives his idea of what justice is and presents two principles of justice that he argues are required to live in a good society: a first principle that secures equal rights and liberties for all individuals and a second egalitarian principle that restrains the consequences of economic inequalities within societies. He also introduces the concept of “overlapping consensus” which I will use regarding the idea of Reconciliation, at the end of this paper.</p><p>In the cases presented in this paper (i.e. Argentina and South Africa), essential human rights were violated, therefore wrongdoers made the society unjust.</p><p>The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the conditions that are necessary to re-establish justice when a society goes through a conflict. I will introduce some ideas concerning that issue: ideas of retribution, reparation and reconciliation. These are seen as different paths for several countries when trying to tackle to the matter of achieving justice.</p><p>In my view, this question can be answered appealing first to an intuitive conception of moral justice that may exist at an individual and collective level, as well.</p><p>The ethical dilemmas both levels have are in relation to the harm done, punishments and how to balance them, limiting, for instance, the punishment in order to accomplish a just and a better society. I will also present how shared values can result from a process of reconciliation, which is considered as the ideal alternative to achieve justice.</p><p>However, when the equilibrium between members of a community is broken, some people claim that punishment can restore that lost equilibrium that existed before in the community.</p><p>Nevertheless, peace, reconciliation and justice cannot be constructed under the basis of silence. One way to keep memory alive is to let survivors, for instance, narrate what they have lived through; telling stories also creates a new space to share with others their experiences, revealing their fears and emotions. Regarding this theme, I will present the NUNCA MAS (Never Again) report, which is fundamental as it gives some testimonies, facts and proposals that will help to reach a consensus and therefore, future reconciliations.</p><p>Why is important to achieve justice? Because then members of a certain community will be able to interact in the present with common shared values and thus, deal with the past.</p><p>Not to consider reconciliation as one important step to achieve justice, and only think in terms of punishment, instead of giving way to peace and justice, could perhaps promote the possibility of further conflicts. To consider both punishment and reconciliation might just be one possible blueprint in the long and difficult way of searching for a just society.</p>

The meaning that Justice has after a conflict in a society might vary regarding the political development and cultural and shared values of a certain society. Rawls, in his Theory of Justice gives his idea of what justice is and presents two principles of justice that he argues are required to live in a good society: a first principle that secures equal rights and liberties for all individuals and a second egalitarian principle that restrains the consequences of economic inequalities within societies. He also introduces the concept of “overlapping consensus” which I will use regarding the idea of Reconciliation, at the end of this paper. In the cases presented in this paper (i.e. Argentina and South Africa), essential human rights were violated, therefore wrongdoers made the society unjust. The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the conditions that are necessary to re-establish justice when a society goes through a conflict. I will introduce some ideas concerning that issue: ideas of retribution, reparation and reconciliation. These are seen as different paths for several countries when trying to tackle to the matter of achieving justice. In my view, this question can be answered appealing first to an intuitive conception of moral justice that may exist at an individual and collective level, as well. The ethical dilemmas both levels have are in relation to the harm done, punishments and how to balance them, limiting, for instance, the punishment in order to accomplish a just and a better society. I will also present how shared values can result from a process of reconciliation, which is considered as the ideal alternative to achieve justice. However, when the equilibrium between members of a community is broken, some people claim that punishment can restore that lost equilibrium that existed before in the community. Nevertheless, peace, reconciliation and justice cannot be constructed under the basis of silence. One way to keep memory alive is to let survivors, for instance, narrate what they have lived through; telling stories also creates a new space to share with others their experiences, revealing their fears and emotions. Regarding this theme, I will present the NUNCA MAS (Never Again) report, which is fundamental as it gives some testimonies, facts and proposals that will help to reach a consensus and therefore, future reconciliations. Why is important to achieve justice? Because then members of a certain community will be able to interact in the present with common shared values and thus, deal with the past. Not to consider reconciliation as one important step to achieve justice, and only think in terms of punishment, instead of giving way to peace and justice, could perhaps promote the possibility of further conflicts. To consider both punishment and reconciliation might just be one possible blueprint in the long and difficult way of searching for a just society.

Entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, Brasil e Argentina vivenciaram ditaduras de segurança nacional. As diferentes experiências vividas por essas nações possuem alguns elos em comum: a tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, a aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, suspensão de direitos e garantias fundamentais, o consequente estabelecimento do Terrorismo de Estado e, por fim, a aprovação de algum tipo de anistia ao fim desses regimes. Tendo diferentes designações, as leis aprovadas visavam um mesmo objetivo: impossibilitar a responsabilização de militares e civis pelas inúmeras violações a direitos humanos cometidas durante as ditaduras. O discurso de “virar a página e olhar para o futuro” esteve presente em ambos os países, e foi usado para propagar a ideia da pacificação nacional. A partir dos anos 2000, já em um contexto de democracias consolidadas, o quadro difere imensamente. Enquanto na Argentina, entre 2004 e 2007, a Corte Suprema de la Nación julgou inconstitucionais todos os dispositivos que representavam obstáculos ao julgamento dos crimes da ditadura (Lei de Obediência Devida, a Lei do Ponto Final e os indultos concedidos por Carlos Menem), no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal julgou improcedente, em 2010, uma ação ajuizada pela Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) e considerou a Lei da Anistia (Lei n. 6.683/79) fruto de um acordo político e, por consequência, impossível de ser revisado. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o posicionamento das Cortes Supremas de Brasil e Argentina no que diz respeito à responsabilização penal dos crimes de lesa humanidade cometidos pelas ditaduras. As decisões dos fallos Arancibia Clavel, Simón e Mazzeo, e a sentença da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF) n. 153, serão comparadas sob o viés histórico do contexto democrático nas quais foram geradas, buscando compreender a discrepância entre os entendimentos das Cortes e do quadro atual de ambos os países no que diz respeito à efetivação de mecanismos de justiça de transição. / Between the decades of 1960 and 1980, Brazil and Argentina have experienced dictatorships. The different experiences for these nations have some links in common: the seizure of power by the armed forces, the application of the national security doctrine, suspension of fundamental rights and guarantees, the consequent establishment of State terrorism and, finally, the adoption of some kind of amnesty in the end of those regimes. Having different designations, the laws adopted had the same goal: make it impossible the accountability of military and civilians by the numerous human rights violations committed during the dictatorships. The speech of "turn the page and look to the future" was present in both countries, and was used to propagate the idea of “national pacification”. From the year 2000, in a context of consolidated democracies, the situation differs immensely. While in Argentina, between 2004 and 2007, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional all devices that represent obstacles to the prosecution of crimes commited by the dictatorship ( the Due Obedience Law, the Final Point Law and pardons granted by President Carlos Menem), in Brazil, the Supreme Court dismissed, in 2010, an action filed by the Bar Association of Brazil, and considered the Amnesty Law (Law n. 6.683/79) the result of a political agreement and, consequently, impossible to review. Starting from these premises, the present study aims to analyze the positioning of the Supreme Courts of Brazil and Argentina, with regard to the criminal liability of the crimes against humanity committed by dictatorships. Decisions of “fallos” Arancibia Clavel, Simón and Mazzeo, and the sentence in the Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamentl (ADPF) n. 153 will be compared under the historical bias of the democratic context in which they were generated, seeking to understand the discrepancy between the understandings of the courts and of the current framework of both countries regarding the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms.

A l’intersection de trois branches de la science économique, l’économie du développement, la nouvelle économie institutionnelle et l’histoire des faits économiques, cette thèse revient sur la problématique abondemment traitée mais toujours entourée de controverses et de confusions, de l’impact de la nature d’un régime politique sur le processus de développement économique. Dans ce cadre, nous souhaitons la traiter d’une manière dynamique et globale. Pour cette raison, nous allons passer en revue diverses séquences historiques afin d’étudier les trajectoires politiques et économiques des nations et de détecter ainsi les points de convergence et de divergence qui les lient. Notre démarche ne consiste pas à établir les corrélations qui peuvent exister entre la nature d’un régime politique et le taux de croissance économique, mais plutôt à chercher des liens de causalité entre les caractéristiques d’une démocratie ou d’une dictature et le développement économique d’un pays. En analysant cette relation dans la durée, nous allons mettre en avant les changements importants qu’elle peut subir mais aussi les influences mutuelles que peuvent avoir les évolutions politiques et économiques. Nous allons ainsi analyser le rôle que peut avoir la structure politique dans la pauvreté et la richesse des nations. En suivant d’abord le processus de développement économique en Europe occidentale et en observant comment ce processus va réagir face à l’avènement des monarchies absolues et à l’émergence de régimes politiques plus libres. Ensuite, il sera question du rôle des dictatures prédatrices dans la persistance des problèmes de sous-développement dans les pays du Tiers-Monde. La comparaison de l’impact de la démocratie et des régimes autoritaires développeurs sur le processus de développement économique nous amènera dans un premier temps à analyser théoriquement les effets positifs et négatifs des deux régimes, d’abord dans le court et le moyen terme, ensuite dans le long terme. Par la suite, il sera question de l’analyse des trajectoires politico-économiques du Chili, de la Corée du Sud et de la Chine afin de confronter l’analyse théorique à l’épreuve des cas empiriques. / At the intersection of three branches of economic science, namely, development economics, the new institutional economics and economic history, this dissertation re-examines a problem which is still surrounded by confusion and controversy in spite of the abundant literature which has been devoted to it: the impact of the nature of a political regime on the process of economic development. In this perspective, we shall deal with it in a dynamic and global manner. We will thus overview several historical sequences in order to study the political and economic paths of nations with the hope of isolating points of convergence and divergence that link them. Our endeavour does not consist in establishing correlations that may exist between the nature of a political regime and the rate of economic growth, but rather in identifying the causal links between the characteristics of a democracy or a dictatorship and the economic development of a country. Through the analysis of this relationship over a long span of time, we shall highlight the significant changes that it can undergo, but also the mutual influences that political and economic evolution can entertain. We shall thus analyse the role that the political structure can have on the poverty and the wealth of nations. First, we shall analyse the process of economic development in Western Europe by pointing out how this process reacted to the advent of absolutist monarchies and to the emergence of freer political regimes. We shall then analyse the role of predatory dictatorships in the persistence of underdevelopment in countries of the Third World. The comparison of the impact of democracy and authoritarian-developmentalist regimes on the process of economic development will lead us in a first step to the theoretical analysis of the positive and negative impacts of these two regimes in the short and the medium term, and then in the long term. It will then be left to us to analyse the political-economic historical paths of Chile, South Korea and China so as to subject our theoretical analysis to the test of empirical cas

Esta dissertação constrói a biografia da brasileira Flávia Schilling (1953- ) desde a sua infância, passando pelo seu exílio no Uruguai em 1964, até o seu retorno ao Brasil em 1980. Seu objetivo principal é reconstruir parte da trajetória de Flávia e, em termos mais amplos e abstratos, problematizar, por meio de sua biografia, as formas de constituição do indivíduo na história, buscando respostas para questões como: como se dá a construção do indivíduo – por si e pelo outro? Como se forma a sua identidade? Quais os elementos, escolhas e condicionamentos precisam ser analisados nesse processo? Pretende-se, assim, repensar e discutir como o indivíduo pode ser percebido pelas diversas óticas que o constituem e como ele interage – ativa e passivamente – com o meio em que vive, e aqui mais especificamente, relacionando-o com o período das ditaduras de segurança nacional na América Latina. O exílio, a militância, a clandestinidade, a prisão e a campanha de libertação da referida personagem, juntamente com as ditaduras iniciadas com os golpes civis-militares do Brasil em 1964 e do Uruguai em 1973, são temas analisados ao longo do trabalho. / This dissertation builds the biography of Brazilian Flavia Schilling (1953-) from her childhood, through her exile in Uruguay in 1964, until her return to Brazil in 1980. Its main objective is to reconstruct part of the trajectory of Flavia and, in terms broader and more abstract problematize through her biography, the forms of the constitution of the individual in history, seeking answers to questions such as: how is the construction of the individual - for themselves and for each other? How is your identity? Which elements, choices and constraints need to be analyzed in this process? It is intended, therefore, to rethink and discuss how the individual may be perceived by many that the optics are and how it interacts - actively and passively - with the environment they live in, and here more specifically, relating it to the period of dictatorships national security in Latin America. Exile, the activists, underground, imprisonment and release of that campaign character along with dictatorships began with the civilian-military coup in Brazil in 1964 and Uruguay in 1973, are themes explored throughout this research.

Esta pesquisa parte da observação de algumas poéticas artísticas contemporâneas que têm experiências e/ou memórias a respeito de Estados de exceção como objeto central de seus trabalhos. A investigação baseia-se na hipótese de que esses trabalhos de arte podem ser percebidos também como espaços para elaborações de memórias, e que a partir dessas construções mnêmicas as identidades sociais fraturadas durante esses momentos de exceção podem ser reestruturadas. A cada uma dessas poéticas artísticas propõe-se a denominação de \"arte da elaboração\", conceito formulado nesta pesquisa tendo por base dois dos usos que o termo \"elaboração\" recebe na teoria psicanalítica freudiana. / This research has as a starting point the observation of some poetics contemporary art that present experiences and/or memories concerning the States of exception as the main object of their work. This critical study is based on the hypothesis that these works of art can also be interpreted as spaces for the elaboration of memories and that these mnemonics constructions lead to a reconstruction of social identities fractured during the moment of exception. For each of these works of art the name \"elaboration\"s art\" is suggested. This concept is adopted in this research and is based on two different appliances of the term \"elaboration\" that can be found in the Freudian psychoanalytical theory.

Entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, Brasil e Argentina vivenciaram ditaduras de segurança nacional. As diferentes experiências vividas por essas nações possuem alguns elos em comum: a tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, a aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, suspensão de direitos e garantias fundamentais, o consequente estabelecimento do Terrorismo de Estado e, por fim, a aprovação de algum tipo de anistia ao fim desses regimes. Tendo diferentes designações, as leis aprovadas visavam um mesmo objetivo: impossibilitar a responsabilização de militares e civis pelas inúmeras violações a direitos humanos cometidas durante as ditaduras. O discurso de “virar a página e olhar para o futuro” esteve presente em ambos os países, e foi usado para propagar a ideia da pacificação nacional. A partir dos anos 2000, já em um contexto de democracias consolidadas, o quadro difere imensamente. Enquanto na Argentina, entre 2004 e 2007, a Corte Suprema de la Nación julgou inconstitucionais todos os dispositivos que representavam obstáculos ao julgamento dos crimes da ditadura (Lei de Obediência Devida, a Lei do Ponto Final e os indultos concedidos por Carlos Menem), no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal julgou improcedente, em 2010, uma ação ajuizada pela Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) e considerou a Lei da Anistia (Lei n. 6.683/79) fruto de um acordo político e, por consequência, impossível de ser revisado. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o posicionamento das Cortes Supremas de Brasil e Argentina no que diz respeito à responsabilização penal dos crimes de lesa humanidade cometidos pelas ditaduras. As decisões dos fallos Arancibia Clavel, Simón e Mazzeo, e a sentença da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF) n. 153, serão comparadas sob o viés histórico do contexto democrático nas quais foram geradas, buscando compreender a discrepância entre os entendimentos das Cortes e do quadro atual de ambos os países no que diz respeito à efetivação de mecanismos de justiça de transição. / Between the decades of 1960 and 1980, Brazil and Argentina have experienced dictatorships. The different experiences for these nations have some links in common: the seizure of power by the armed forces, the application of the national security doctrine, suspension of fundamental rights and guarantees, the consequent establishment of State terrorism and, finally, the adoption of some kind of amnesty in the end of those regimes. Having different designations, the laws adopted had the same goal: make it impossible the accountability of military and civilians by the numerous human rights violations committed during the dictatorships. The speech of "turn the page and look to the future" was present in both countries, and was used to propagate the idea of “national pacification”. From the year 2000, in a context of consolidated democracies, the situation differs immensely. While in Argentina, between 2004 and 2007, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional all devices that represent obstacles to the prosecution of crimes commited by the dictatorship ( the Due Obedience Law, the Final Point Law and pardons granted by President Carlos Menem), in Brazil, the Supreme Court dismissed, in 2010, an action filed by the Bar Association of Brazil, and considered the Amnesty Law (Law n. 6.683/79) the result of a political agreement and, consequently, impossible to review. Starting from these premises, the present study aims to analyze the positioning of the Supreme Courts of Brazil and Argentina, with regard to the criminal liability of the crimes against humanity committed by dictatorships. Decisions of “fallos” Arancibia Clavel, Simón and Mazzeo, and the sentence in the Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamentl (ADPF) n. 153 will be compared under the historical bias of the democratic context in which they were generated, seeking to understand the discrepancy between the understandings of the courts and of the current framework of both countries regarding the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms.