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Showing 1 to 6 of 6 (0.099 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"noun incorporation"" "subject:"noun lincorporation""
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A Grammar of Northern and Southern GumuzAhland, Colleen, Ahland, Colleen January 2012 (has links)
Gumuz is a Nilo-Saharan dialect cluster spoken in the river valleys of northwestern Ethiopia and the southeastern part of the Republic of the Sudan. There are approximately 200,000 speakers, the majority of which reside in Ethiopia. This study is a phonological and grammatical analysis of two main dialects/languages: Northern Gumuz and Southern Gumuz.
The study provides an overview of the Gumuz people and culture, including historical accounts of the language(s) and migration patterns. Most major aspects of the language are described and analyzed in detail: phonology, nouns, pronouns, demonstratives and other noun phrase constituents, verbs and verbal morphology, noun incorporation, verbal classifiers, noun categorization, basic clauses, and subordinate clauses. Northern and Southern Gumuz varieties are contrasted throughout.
Gumuz tone has two levels, High and Low, with tonal downstep of High. The tonal melody on bound pronominals on verbs indicates transitivity.
Nouns are divided into two basic types: relational and absolute. Relational nouns have an inherent relationship with another nominal element, either within a noun-noun compound or with a (historical) possessive affix. Two sets of relational nouns --attributive and relator nouns-- obligatorily take an inherent possession suffix if not in a compound.
Gumuz has two noun-noun constructions: the Associative Construction and the Attributive Construction. The first is left-headed with `noun of noun' semantics. The second is right-headed with the initial noun expressing an inherent quality of the second.
Certain body part terms have grammaticalized as a variety of other morphosyntactic categories, in particular as relator nouns, verbal classifiers, and class morphemes, the final two of which are noun categorization devices. Many of these same body part terms can be incorporated into the verb or form part of lexicalized verb-noun compounds.
Deverbal nominalizations with /ma-/ are found throughout the language structures. These /ma-/ nominalizations serve as both subject and object complements. They are also commonly found in other subordinate clauses such as relative and adverbial clauses. Purpose clauses are formed with the dative preposition plus a /ma-/ nominalization. Finite purpose clauses take pronominal inflection and have further grammaticalized as future tense main clause verbs in Southern Gumuz.
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L'incorporation nominale en innu et les mots en -Vche en français : deux études de morphologie basée sur le motDubé, Jaïmé January 2009 (has links)
Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.
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L'incorporation nominale en innu et les mots en -Vche en français : deux études de morphologie basée sur le motDubé, Jaïmé January 2009 (has links)
Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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Bare Nouns in Persian: Interpretation, Grammar, and ProsodyModarresi, Fereshteh 09 June 2014 (has links)
This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian.
After a brief introduction, chapters 2-3 deal with bare noun objects, firstly comparing them with nominals marked with indefinite morpheme -i suffixed to the noun, and the determiner yek. A bare noun object differs from morphologically marked nominals as it shows properties associated with noun incorporation in the literature (chapter 2). Of particular interest are the discourse properties of these ‘quasi-incorporated’ nominals. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, Persian belongs to the class of discourse opaque languages within Mithun’s classification (1984). However, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. There are no overt anaphoric expressions that could match such number-neutral antecedents in Persian. But covert anaphora lack number features, and hence can serve as means to pick up a number-neutral discourse referent. Also, in case world knowledge tells us that the number-neutral discourse referent is anchored to an atomic entity or to a collection, then an overt singular pronoun or an overt plural pronoun might fit the combined linguistic and conceptual requirements, and may be used to pick up the number-neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory.
In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. Following Diesing, I assume that VP-internal variables are subject to an operation of Existential Closure. In many cases, VP-external –ra-marked objects have a different interpretation to their VP-internal, non-ra-marked, counterparts, because of escaping Existential Closure. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. We assume that VP-internal subjects exist, under two independent but converging assumptions. The first is prosodic in nature: Subjects can be accented without being narrowly focused; theories of Persian prosody predict then that there is a maximal constituent that contains both the subject and the verb as its head. The second is semantic in nature: Bare nouns require an external existential closure operation to be interpreted existentially, and we have to assume existential closure over the VP for our analysis of the interpretation of objects. So, this existential closure would provide the necessary quantificational force for bare noun subjects as well. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.
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Bare Nouns in Persian: Interpretation, Grammar, and ProsodyModarresi, Fereshteh January 2014 (has links)
This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian.
After a brief introduction, chapters 2-3 deal with bare noun objects, firstly comparing them with nominals marked with indefinite morpheme -i suffixed to the noun, and the determiner yek. A bare noun object differs from morphologically marked nominals as it shows properties associated with noun incorporation in the literature (chapter 2). Of particular interest are the discourse properties of these ‘quasi-incorporated’ nominals. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, Persian belongs to the class of discourse opaque languages within Mithun’s classification (1984). However, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. There are no overt anaphoric expressions that could match such number-neutral antecedents in Persian. But covert anaphora lack number features, and hence can serve as means to pick up a number-neutral discourse referent. Also, in case world knowledge tells us that the number-neutral discourse referent is anchored to an atomic entity or to a collection, then an overt singular pronoun or an overt plural pronoun might fit the combined linguistic and conceptual requirements, and may be used to pick up the number-neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory.
In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. Following Diesing, I assume that VP-internal variables are subject to an operation of Existential Closure. In many cases, VP-external –ra-marked objects have a different interpretation to their VP-internal, non-ra-marked, counterparts, because of escaping Existential Closure. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. We assume that VP-internal subjects exist, under two independent but converging assumptions. The first is prosodic in nature: Subjects can be accented without being narrowly focused; theories of Persian prosody predict then that there is a maximal constituent that contains both the subject and the verb as its head. The second is semantic in nature: Bare nouns require an external existential closure operation to be interpreted existentially, and we have to assume existential closure over the VP for our analysis of the interpretation of objects. So, this existential closure would provide the necessary quantificational force for bare noun subjects as well. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.
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Bare nouns in PersianModarresi, Fereshteh 01 October 2015 (has links)
Diese Dissertation untersucht das variable Verhalten von sogenannten „bare nouns“ (Nominale ohne Artikel) im Persischen. Dieses Verhalten kann jedoch nicht verstanden werden ohne eine Reihe von entscheidenden Eigenschaften der persischen Satzstruktur zu betrachten. Dazu gehören Informationsstruktur, Prosodie und Wortstellung, sowie die semantischen und syntaktischen Funktionen verschiedener morphologischer Markierungen im Persischen. Die vorliegende Dissertation kann daher zum besseren Verständnis von satzinterner Syntax, Semantik und Prosodie des Persischen beitragen. Ich beginne meine Untersuchung mit dem Vergleich der BNs in verschiedenen Positionen mit Nominalen, die mit verschiedenen Morphemen gekennzeichnet sind. Die quasi-inkorporierten Nominale im Persischen scheinen zur Klasse der diskursintransparenten inkorporierenden Sprachen zu gehören. Doch dies scheint nicht immer zu stimmen, unter bestimmten Umständen zeigen persische BNs Diskurstransparenz. In Kapitel 3 untersuche ich daher, unter welchen Umständen BNs Diskurstransparenz zeigen und warum. In Kapitel 3 präsentiere ich einen Alternativvorschlag zu Farkas & de Swart, in dem ich darlege, dass ein BN tatsächlich einen neuen Diskursreferenten einführt. Aber der Numerus von BNs ist neutral (numerusneutralen Diskursreferenten).In der zweiten Hälfte der Dissertation wird die Interpretation von BNs in verschiedenen Positionen und mit unterschiedlichen grammatischen Funktionen diskutiert. Kapitel 4 konzentriert sich auf BNs in Objektposition. Wir stellen einen direkten Vergleich an zwischen BNs als tatsächliche BNs, d.h. Nominale, die nicht mit einem Morphem markiert sind, und Kontexten, in denen sie mit dem Morphem -ra auftreten. Ich werde argumentieren, dass -ra lediglich markiert, dass ein BN oder auch ein anderes Nominal nicht in seiner VP-internen Position interpretiert, sondern in eine VP-externe Domäne bewegt wird. Das bedeutet, das Morphem -ra ist ein syntaktisches Morphem auf Phrasenebene. / This thesis explores the variable behavior of bare nouns in Persian. Bare singular nouns realize different grammatical functions, including subject, object and indirect object. They receive different interpretations, including generic, definite and existential readings. However, the task of understanding the reasons for, and limits on, this variation cannot be achieved without understanding a number of pivotal features of Persian sentential architecture, including Information Structure, prosody, word order, and the functions of various morphological markers in Persian. With respect to the discourse transparency of Incorporated Nominals, under certain circumstances, Persian bare nouns show discourse transparency. These circumstances are examined in chapter 3, and it is proposed that bare nouns do introduce a number neutral discourse referent. This proposal is phrased within Discourse Representation Theory. In the second half of the dissertation, the interpretation of bare nouns in different positions and with different grammatical functions are discussed. Under the independently supported hypothesis of position>interpretation mapping developed by Diesing (1992), we will see the role of the suffix -ra in indicating that an object has been moved out of VP. For subjects, there is no morphological marking corresponding to –ra on objects, and we have to rely on prosody and word order to determine how a VP is interpreted using theories of the interaction of accent and syntactic structure. It is proposed that both subject and object originate within the VP, and can move out to the VP-external domain. The motivation for these movements are informational-structural in nature, relating in particular to the distinctions between given and new information, and default and non-default information structure.
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