Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T16:34:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARCO AURELIO RAMOS DE ALMEIDA.pdf: 920441 bytes, checksum: b2c84b512c9d52c1df6bef672b59bd05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-16 / Pesquisa qualitativa que tem como objetivos: identificar indicadores que geram prazer e sofrimento nos enfermeiros dentro do ambiente hospitalar, analisar quais são os sentimentos vivenciados por estes profissionais e verificar quais são os principais mecanismos de defesa utilizados. O estudo contou com a participação de oito enfermeiros de diferentes setores hospitalares, em dois hospitais da região central de São Paulo. A coleta de dados ocorreu entre Novembro de 2010 e Fevereiro de 2011, realizada por meio da técnica de entrevista semidirigida com temas norteadores, cujo conteúdo foi registrado por meio de um gravador de voz e transcrito posteriormente. Para análise dos dados foi utilizada a técnica de análise de conteúdo com o respaldo teórico das contribuições da Psicodinâmica do Trabalho e Psicologia Institucional. Das entrevistas foram desveladas cinco categorias analíticas: o prazer no trabalho do enfermeiro, o sofrimento no trabalho do enfermeiro, os sentimentos negativos, os sentimentos positivos, e os sentimentos ambivalentes. Estas categorias agregaram as subcategorias: trabalho gratificante, trabalho estressante, amizade, raiva, dor, medo, inferioridade, frustração, tristeza, culpa e apego. As subcategorias por sua vez, desdobraram-se em indicadores temáticos que expressaram os mais diversos fatores que produzem prazer e sofrimento no trabalho dos enfermeiros, bem como a ambigüidade de sentimentos vivenciados por estes profissionais. Sentimentos que variaram de um momento para o outro, sendo que, aquilo que causava dificuldades no atendimento da necessidade de ajudar e sentir-se útil, implicou em sofrimento, o que facilitou ou tornou viável as necessidades, constituíram em prazer no trabalho. Mecanismos de defesa foram utilizados pelos enfermeiros com o intuito de protegê-los, no entanto, ocultavam da consciência a causa implícita do sofrimento. Os resultados possibilitaram ampliar o universo de conhecimento da Psicodinâmica do Trabalho e Psicologia Institucional na área da enfermagem, demonstrando os processos psíquicos e sociais que circundam os significados de trabalho para o ser humano, encontrando possíveis soluções para elaboração e superação do sofrimento, e melhorando a saúde psíquica dos enfermeiros em seu cotidiano dinâmico de trabalho.

En 1960, après 40 années de professionnalisation, les infirmières françaises étaient dotées d’un modèle original de profession fortement structuré et témoignant d’une qualification qui avait indéniablement gagné en épaisseur. La Grande Guerre et ses prolongements avaient favorisé la pénétration en France du prototype professionnel anglo-américain. Même si cette influence fut limitée, en 1960 le modèle français était comparable en de nombreux points à l’historique modèle anglais et à son successeur américain. En revanche, les infirmières françaises ne connaissaient à cette date ni les perspectives de carrière de leurs collègues, ni le chemin de l’Université alors impensable. La création de l’EIEIS à Lyon en 1965 offrit cette possibilité à un petit nombre d’entre elles et constitua une extraordinaire opportunité pour le développement de la profession en France. L’élite très active formée grâce à cette institution œuvra à la modification des représentations de la profession chez les médecins, les universitaires, les directeurs d’hôpitaux et les politiques. Elle contribua aussi à changer les pratiques et le rapport au monde des infirmières françaises qui inventèrent même un mouvement revendicatif original à la fin des années 1980. Enfin, cette École établit les bases d’un développement disciplinaire des soins infirmiers en France. Unique en son genre, elle ferma en 1995, faute des moyens nécessaires au maintien de son activité. Le New public management, de plus en plus présent à l’hôpital, privilégia la rationalisation des organisations et leur gestion strictement comptable, au détriment des considérations sur le développement académique des soins infirmiers en France. / In 1960, after 40 years of vocational development, the French nurses were endowed with an original model of occupation strongly structured demonstrating that their qualification had undeniably gained in thickness. The Great War and its repercussions had furthered the penetration of the Anglo-American professional prototype in France. Even if this influence was limited, in 1960 the French model was comparable in numerous points to the historical English model and its American successor. On the other hand, the French nurses knew nothing about their colleagues’ career prospects and the way to University, which was unthinkable at the time. In 1965, the creation of the EIEIS in Lyon, gave to a small number of them this opportunity and established a tremendous occasion for the development of the nursing profession in France. The very active elite turned out thanks to this institution managed to change opinions about nursing profession among doctors, hospitals’ managers, academic people and public authorities. It also conduced to change French nurses’ practices and relationship to the world. Nurses even invented an original movement of protest at the end of 1980s. Finally, this School laid the foundations for an academic development of nursing in France. Though it was unrivalled in the country, it closed in 1995, due to the lack of necessary means to preserve its activity. “New public management”, more and more present in hospitals, promoted the rationalization of organizations and a strictly accounting management rather than an academic development of nursing in France.

Health care-organizations in Sweden are trying to replace the nursing profession in matters that the nurses are trained to do - which is care-related work – while it is only occasionally due to a lack of nurses. While this is happening, the care-related aspect of the profession is said to be the most appealing quality for people who wish to become nurses; “to make adifference for people in need”. This “pure” quality in a profession is hypothesized by Andrew Abbott (1981) to translate into high internal status within a profession. With this thesis, I aim to explore the relationship between professional status and “pure” work in the nurse-profession: How the “pure” work can be identified and how we can understand it in relation to the “impure” work, why nurses value some nurse specialists higher than others regarding status and how the dichotomy of “pure” and “impure” work affects this distribution of status within the profession. My chosen theory is based on Andrew Abbotts input to the debate of what constitutes professional status. He argues that if a profession does more professionally relevant work, it gets higher internal status (Abbott 1981). This theory is “only” based on historically strong, “classical” professions, to which I would like to contribute to by applying the theory to the nurse-profession. In order to do this, I have conducted seven semi-structured interviews and a form to evaluate how nurses’ rate eleven nurse-specialists according to status and how the themes of status are connected to the education and the work of the non-specialized nurse – the theoretically “pure” work. The non-specialized nurse is trained to have a full picture regarding patients, which includes both medical actions and basic caring needs. This is the nurses’ pure work. The nurses are not trained for the number of administrative tasks that the clinical reality demands, but it is a part of the full picture of the patient. Although it may appear as if it were impure work, calling this impure work is incorrect because of its’ pure qualities as a part of the full picture. The strongest consensus about attributed status is regarding the specialists with the highest and the lowest status. These attributions to status are based on the specific knowledge and the life-depending work of the specialists, which converge into each other as the same specialists has the same attributed status in both status-themes. This is opposite of what Abbott argues gives professional status because it is the low status-specialists that can be replaced by non- specialized nurses: Which practices, per definition, the pure work of the profession. In these areas of the low status specialist, the basic work of a non-specialized nurse suffices, which would also mean that the professionally purest work is done in these areas of work. This contradicts Abbotts argument that the purest work achieves the highest internal status.