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Is there a dividing line between national security and human rights? : the Obama Administration's standpoint given to the Guantanamo prisoners in reference to three different ethical viewsStanio, Mariola January 2012 (has links)
The Guantanamo issue refers to the classic question concerning the role of ethics in international relations. That is why the purpose of this research was to, by relating to the dilemma between national security and human rights, study the current Obama Administration's standpoint given to the Guantanamo prisoners in reference to three different ethical views. These three ethical views are Joseph Nye's innovative perspective on morality within international relations, which constitute the theoretical frameworks of this research and they are sceptics, state moralists and cosmopolitans. With help of the descriptive and explanation approaches within ideology and argumentation method, I studied speeches of the representatives of the Obama Administration as well as executive orders and reports which focus on the Administration's statements and decisions given to the Guantanamo issue. The analysis of the material in reference to the theorethical framework of this research, lead to a conclusion that the Obama Administration underlines the importance of both national security and human rights given to the Guantanamo prisoners. Analysis of this research displays also that the Obama Administration has not change its line of argumentation since 2008 as well as the Administration's decisions are affected first and foremost by state moralist view point.
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Die US-Intervention in Afghanistan: Die Politik der Obama-RegierungBluth, Christoph 21 January 2022 (has links)
Yes / This contribution discusses the national security objectives and the political parameters of the Obama administration’s decision to shift towards a counterinsurgency strategy and increase troop levels in Afghanistan. On the basis of the key strategic documents that formed the basis of the interagency process, as well as the political constraints under which the Obama administration was operating, it is possible to understand the key factors that defined the policy. The article also explain the various contradictions between the geopolitical context, the strategic objectives as defined by Obama and means to achieve them. On the basis of such analysis it is clear that the policy could at best achieve a partial success.
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COAL, GLOBAL WARMING, AND THE CLEAN AIR ACTStewart, Terry L. 01 June 2014 (has links)
In the early 1990s many scientists claimed that there was a scientific consensus that the anthropogenic production of greenhouse gases was causing global warming. Carbon dioxide is produced in far greater quantities than other greenhouse gases. Over 80 percent of the carbon dioxide produced in the United States comes from coal-fired power plants. If global warming is a threat to the welfare and survival of future generations, the United States, as one of the greatest producers of greenhouse gases,has an obligation to reduce its production of these gases.
In order to determine the most effective way to reduce the production of greenhouse gases in the United States, this study examines recent efforts by the Clinton and Obama administrations to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from coal-fired power plants.The Clinton and Obama administrations were selected for this study because both administrations were Democratic, and both had avowed political agendas to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. For the first two years each administration enjoyed the support of Democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress, and they had similar political support for the remainder of their time in office.
This study will show that President Obama’s executive approach to reducing carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power plants has been more effective than the legislative approach of the Clinton administration. The study will indicate that a scientific consensus about anthropogenic global warming and the political will to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from coal-fired power plants did not exist during the 1990s. The study also shows that, despite the effectiveness of the Obama administration in reducing carbon dioxide emissions, there are many problems with the executive approach to the problem. The study suggests that the Clean Air Act has ceded to much legislative power to the Executive branch of government, and that success in reducing carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power plants is too dependent on the will of the Executive.
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Bezpilotní války: Jak liberální demokracie legitimizuje útoky a zabíjení pomocí dronů v zahraničí / Unmanned Warfare: How Liberal Democracy Legitimizes Drone Attacks and Killings AbroadKocourek, Tomáš January 2017 (has links)
Diploma thesis " and Killings Abroad" is dedicated to depiction of employment of armed unmanned aerial administration's officials. The thesis is based on constructivist conception of world affairs isn't employed in order to describe objective realit Obama administration's of "us" and "them", that has proved to be very flexible in this study, underpins legitimization of
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Just Another Strike? : Comparing the Drone Policies Between the Bush & Obama AdministrationsDe La Roche Du Ronzet, Dantes January 2024 (has links)
This study is an offensive realist comparative analysis of the drone policies used by the Bush administration and Obama administration during the Global War on Terror. The emergence of violent non-state actors have led to states having to develop new strategies for countering them. Drones were used by the United States in order to combat al-Qaeda, using new technologies in warfare to achieve this goal. This research addresses a gap by focusing on drone policies rather than the legality and morality of drone attacks or the effectiveness of drone strikes. This paper uses three offensive realist concepts; power maximisation, security maximisation and preventive warfare. The method used is a comparative analysis of the Bush administration, with the operationalisation of each concept. The findings of this research show that the drone policies used by each administration can be explained by the three offensive realist concepts. The Obama and Bush administrations prioritised power and security maximisation, while the Obama administration employed preventive drone strikes to a higher degree than the Bush administration. These findings are significant as offensive realism was able to explain the drone policies made by the United States during an asymmetric conflict.
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The Obama Pivot to Asia: An Analysis of the FundamentalsWillis, Christopher 01 January 2017 (has links)
The Obama Administration’s Pivot to Asia policy was a grand shift in focus for U.S. foreign policy and sought to lay the foundation of U.S. policy in the region for the future. This paper derives three fundamental assumptions that the Pivot policy was based upon, from the articulations of the main architects of the Pivot Policy: former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former National Security Advisor Tom Donilon. These assumptions are as follows, pivoting to the Asia-Pacific will be beneficial to the U.S., engagement with China is central to the Pivot policy and the policy is not an effort to contain China, and finally the draw down in the Middle East will happen and the Pivot policy cannot happen without this draw down. Then, this paper assesses whether they were realistic to presume. It is found that the foundation of the Pivot policy was sound, but certain actions by they Obama Administration undermined these assumptions and overall hurt the effectiveness of the Pivot policy.
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Současné postavení USA v mezinárodním systému ? jaká bezpečnostní politika? / The Current Position of the USA in the International System - What Security Policy?Kudláčková, Iva January 2012 (has links)
This graduate thesis analyzes the security policy of the United States during the previous administration of President George W. Bush and the current administration of President Obama. The first section is devoted to a detailed analysis of the security strategies of both administrations as well as to their practical applications, not only in the field of defense and military, but also in foreign trade and building of alliances and partnerships. Based on this analysis the first part concludes that, although the Obama's security policy is criticized for being just a "Bush lite", it differs clearly in almost all mentioned areas. The thesis identifies, as the most essential, the difference in the overall concept of the security policy, which is multilateral and less militarily engaged at the time of the Obama administration than during the Bush administration which is characterized by unilateral approach with pre-emptive use of force. The second part of this thesis thus builds on these major differences. Based on previous analysis of both policies then generates hypotheses which aim at finding a cause of this change. To test the hypotheses this study makes use of three classical theories of international relations, which include elements that have been previously identified as a possible driving force...
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Kdo se bojí číhajícího medvěda: Resekuritizace Ruska v postkrymském diskurzu národní bezpečnosti USA / Who's Afraid of the Lurking Bear: The Resecuritization of Russia in the Post-Crimean United States National Security DiscoursePrushankin, Keith January 2017 (has links)
This thesis presents a discourse analysis of American perceptions of Russia in their historical and contemporary context. Through the linguistic construction of security offered by the Copenhagen School of Securitization, we can trace the socio-political development of Russia as the threatening other in the American discourse. This thesis has demonstrated the consistency of linguistic devices in the American Russia discourse from the 18th century to the Crimean Crisis, and has identified specific linguistic packages which securitizing actors unpack according to their preferences and goals in a given situation. This thesis also demonstrates that the resecuritization of a previously desecuritized object may occur through the use of preexisting discursive devices that play on existing elements of the national consciousness. Keywords Resecuritization, Securitization, United States, Russia, Socio-Political Discourse, Crimean Crisis, Copenhagen School, Obama Administration, Vladimir Putin Range of thesis: 121 pages, 34,048 words, 240,229 keystrokes.
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Americko-saúdská protiteroristická spolupráce po 11. září / U.S.-Saudi Counterterrorism Cooperation after 9/11Pánek, Robin January 2017 (has links)
This diploma thesis deals with the influence of changing nature of the terrorist threat on the foreign policy of the United States during the presidency of Barack Obama in the region of Middle East, together with the impact of changes in this foreign policy on the cooperation and relations between the United States and Saudi Arabia. The changing nature of the terrorist threat is analyzed primarily on the example of Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and analyzed are also the circumstances of its rise, the events of the Arab Spring. The course of these events is shown in the cases of countries important for the current U.S. foreign policy in the region, therefore in the cases of Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Yemen and the U.S. foreign policy is analyzed in relation with its reaction on these events. Shown is the shift in this foreign policy, tied with the changes in the counterterrorism policy due to the changes in the nature of the terrorist threat. Resulting foreign policy is analyzed using the Foreign Policy Analysis and its models, which helps to explain the apparent rift in the Obama administration in relation to Middle East. The last chapter focuses primarily on the cooperation of the United States with Saudi Arabia and the Saudi relation with terrorism. Shown are Saudi counterterrorism...
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Human, not too human: a critical semiotic of drones and drone warfareVasko, Timothy 14 January 2013 (has links)
Taking as its starting point Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s theses on liberalism and war, and Dillon and Reid’s extensive engagement thereof, this thesis offers a critical conceptualization of drones and drone warfare. I argue that deployment of drones specifically over and against bodies and communities in conflict zones in and between Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, and until recently, Libya, is the material practice of a legal and political doctrine and precedent that has been established and policed most prominently by the United States and its military and intelligence apparatuses since the end of the Cold War. This novel precedent, however - due to its necessarily mutually constitutive relationship with a perceived danger said to be emerging from specific spaces, bodies, and communities in the decolonized and still-colonized worlds - locates its ontological and thus political genealogy in the anthropological knowledge that legally justified the (in)humanity of peoples and communities in these spaces during the era of high imperialism that lasted roughly from the nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. I theorize this as a mode of political, tragic nihilism through a reading of some key theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault, and Nietzsche and specifically, their import to the field of critical security and international relations theory. I demonstrate that the semiotic image of the drone is a highly pertinent point of departure through which we can understand these political stakes of strategic discourses enunciating the imperatives of both the Revolution in Military Affairs as well as recent global counterinsurgency/counterterrorism operations, specifically as they relate to claims about what it is drones are said to productively offer such militaristic projects. Ultimately, I argue that it is through the semiotic image of the drone as a clean, precise tactic that furthers the strategic goals of counterterrorism to target specific bodies that we can begin to politically theorize a particularly malignant political nihilism symptomatic of contemporary liberal societies. However, I also suggest that it is through Nietzsche’s politics of nihilism that we can begin to think about radical critical interventions that resist such a dangerous mode of politics. / Graduate
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