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In this thesis I investigate the relationship between the gender distribution across industries and occupations and the incidence and consequences of displacement. First, I provide empirical evidence to support the idea that women self-select into less risky industries and occupations, that is industries and occupations with lower displacement rates and lower earnings growth. Using data from the Displaced Worker Survey (1984-2002), the corresponding Annual Demographic Supplement to the March Current Population Survey, and the Dictionary of Occupational Titles, I find that, even though women have a lower incidence of displacement in the aggregate, they are more likely to get displaced at the one-digit industry and occupation level than men. Displacement is also more costly for women, in terms of both employment and monetary consequences, which suggests that women’s choice of safer sectors could be an insurance mechanism against the risk of displacement and its costly consequences. I then construct a dynamic occupational choice model in the spirit of Keane and Wolpin (1997), in which occupation(industry) groups differ not only in terms of the rate of human capital accumulation, but also in the risk and associated cost of displacement, as well as in the value of the non-monetary utility component. I calibrate the model for men and perform a number of counterfactual experiments for women. Quantitative results suggest that differences in displacement probabilities, together with differences in re-employment probabilities, and in human capital penalty rates at displacement explain up to 15% of the gender occupational segregation, and up to 10% of the gender industry segregation. Allowing women to also have an extra preference for non-employment explains in a proportion of 60% why women avoid high risk occupations, that is occupations with higher displacement risk, higher earnings growth and higher human capital depreciation (or alternatively, lower human capital transferability).

In this thesis I investigate the relationship between the gender distribution across industries and occupations and the incidence and consequences of displacement. First, I provide empirical evidence to support the idea that women self-select into less risky industries and occupations, that is industries and occupations with lower displacement rates and lower earnings growth. Using data from the Displaced Worker Survey (1984-2002), the corresponding Annual Demographic Supplement to the March Current Population Survey, and the Dictionary of Occupational Titles, I find that, even though women have a lower incidence of displacement in the aggregate, they are more likely to get displaced at the one-digit industry and occupation level than men. Displacement is also more costly for women, in terms of both employment and monetary consequences, which suggests that women’s choice of safer sectors could be an insurance mechanism against the risk of displacement and its costly consequences. I then construct a dynamic occupational choice model in the spirit of Keane and Wolpin (1997), in which occupation(industry) groups differ not only in terms of the rate of human capital accumulation, but also in the risk and associated cost of displacement, as well as in the value of the non-monetary utility component. I calibrate the model for men and perform a number of counterfactual experiments for women. Quantitative results suggest that differences in displacement probabilities, together with differences in re-employment probabilities, and in human capital penalty rates at displacement explain up to 15% of the gender occupational segregation, and up to 10% of the gender industry segregation. Allowing women to also have an extra preference for non-employment explains in a proportion of 60% why women avoid high risk occupations, that is occupations with higher displacement risk, higher earnings growth and higher human capital depreciation (or alternatively, lower human capital transferability).

Lifestyle, the external demonstration of personal values and preferences, has great influences on individual behavior. In terms of occupational choice, individuals would choose jobs that best fit with their lifestyles according to the values and preferences. The consistency of individual lifestyle and work-style created from the work environments will affect their job satisfaction and willingness to remain in the organizations. This study explores lifestyles of four coffee shop workers and three pub workers, and the results show that those two types of jobs create distinctive lifestyles, which would be caused by the personal characteristics and the different working hours. Based on the results, lifestyles could be used as the indicator of recruitment for employers of coffee shops and pubs, and criteria of occupational choice for individuals who are interested in working in coffee shops or pubs.

This dissertation studies the occupational choices of women in developing countries. In Chapter 1, I examine how removing barriers to higher education for women affects their enrollment, marriage and labor outcomes. In 1992, Pakistan equalized admissions criteria for women and men applying to medical school. I show that the reform induced a rapid increase in the female proportion of medical graduates. Next, I use cross-birth cohort variation to show that post-reform women medical graduates were more motivated to work: they delayed marriage in their 20s and increased labor force participation in their 20s and 30s. When they married, they matched with higher earning spouses. I consider four channels of effect and find suggestive evidence in favor of a treatment effect of the reform. Equalizing admissions criteria especially induced women from middle class and migrant families to choose work over marriage in their 20s. In Chapter 2, I study how an increased proportion of women in medicine affects the structure of the medical sector and patient care. Post reform, the medical sector was increasingly feminized, women specialists entered male dominated specialties, and especially so in urban areas. In the short run, women patients’ experience with pregnancy and infant mortality did not change, suggesting that labor force composition changes take longer to affect downstream outcomes. Chapter 3 studies the effect of male-biased labor demand shocks on women's employment. I study shocks in the Indonesian mining sector using proprietary mine location data and instrumenting for mine value with the world price of minerals. Expansions in the mining industry lead to negligible changes in employment, but higher wages for women. They cause substantial shifts in individuals' sector and location of work. Both women and men move from agriculture to the service and mining sectors, and women are less likely to work without pay. Mining booms induce movements between districts, which may allow labor supply to adjust to changes in labor demand. Together, these results imply that shocks to a male dominated industry cause structural shifts that affect both genders.

The aim of this study is to investigate the occupational orientations and choices of young people in rural Crete, a society, which is in constant change as it finds itself caught between tradition and modernity. To achieve this, the study looks into two cases: the case of Anogia, a small mountainous cattle-raising village, and the case of Archanes, which is a farming village on a plain. Both communities are undergoing a process of change due to the influence exerted upon them through the frequent contacts with the ‘outside world’ and the diffusion of modernity in all areas of life. The study expects to shed light on how the young people of these villages experience the transition from tradition to modernity and how this transition influences their choice of occupation. More specifically, the aims of this study are to investigate: A. The occupational orientations and choice of occupation of the young people within the communities of Anogia and Archanes. B. The main contextual factors that contribute to the young people’s occupational orientations and choice of occupation in Anogia and Archanes. The overall approach is a qualitative inquiry consisting of two case studies. The empirical research took place in the field of the communities of Anogia and Archanes, and addresses 29 young people of the villages, so as to gather primary data through semistructured interviews. The age has been defined to be 16 to 25 years old. In order to arrive at the findings, data analysis derived from the Grounded Theory methodological approach was employed (Strauss, 1987). The main findings of the study show that the transitional process from school to work seems to be the most crucial issue for the young people under study, in the process of shaping their occupational orientations and choices. The attitude, either positive or negative, that each one has adopted towards school and education generally and the level of education constitutes the main tool that determines the limitations and the opportunities for job placement. In these small societies, the traditional roles have been overturned as regards the youth and their professional orientations. The majority of young people follow new practices in seeking employment. These characterise the following three types of youth: the stayers, the ambivalent and the leavers.

The purpose of this study was to identify and describe the variables related to the occupational choice of Indian/Native teachers in Saskatchewan. In addition, four questions were posed to determine the extent of influence of specific people, internal agents, and ethnic concerns.<p>The sample for the study consisted of 115 Indian/Native teachers, all graduates of the Indian/Native Teacher Education Programs, and employed within Saskatchewan schools. Data was collected by a mail-out questionnaire. Through analysis of the data, the variables were identified, as was the extent of influence of specific people, internal agents, and ethnic concerns.<p>The major finding of this study was that Indian/Native teachers chose teaching as an occupation for reasons related primarily to ethnic concerns, rather than to variables identified in occupational choice approaches. Important differences were found in the variables of choice between Status Indian and Metis teachers; between younger and older teachers; and among those who had decided to become teachers within different age groups. These findings suggested the need for specially designed career education programs and the presentation of occupational information that would be relevant to Indian/Native students.<p>The five statements ranked most important by the total group in the decision to become a teacher were:<p>1.I enjoy working with children and/or youth. <p>2.Indian/Native teachers were needed in the school.<p>3.I wanted to help my people. <p>4.Indian/Native people are responsible for their own survival as a people.<p>5.I wanted to help Indian/Native people gain control of their education system.<p>Only the first statement related to occupational choice approach with the remaining four stemming from Indian/Native concerns.<p>Five research hypotheses were tested to answer the research questions. Significant differences were found leading to the acceptance of the hypotheses and the findings that differences existed between the variables related to the occupational choice of teachers classified on the basis of:<p>1. Age when the questionnaire was completed: The younger teachers, 19 30 years, differed from older teachers in their search for improved self identity; in being influenced by the opportunity to be a role model; and in desire to work against discrimination in schools. The older teachers, 31 years and older, were more influenced by positive family support; by the need to be with people; and by the desire for better living conditions.<p>2. Age when the decision was made to become a teacher: Respondents who had chosen teaching between the ages of 6 to 18 years,highlighted the importance of having supportive family; the desire to develop a positive self image; and the wish to gain professional recognition. Those who made the choice between 19 to 25 years, also pointed out self image needs. For them, the opportunity to be a role model was important, but family influence had been a minor factor. Those who decided at a later age, 26 years or older, wished to work with people and thought that teaching matched their interests.<p>3. Ethnic identity: Status Indian teachers had been strongly influenced by the family in contrast to the Metis group, which did not include family elements in their selection of 10 very important statements. The Me.tis teachers were motivated to teach because of perceived discrimination within schools; the need for an improved self image; and the perception that in teaching they could do what they liked to do.<p>4.Type of school attended.<p>5.Source of funding received while attending a teacher education program.<p>Teachers who had attended either a federal or residential school, and had received funding from Indian and Northern Affairs Canada were likely to be Status Indians.They had been strongly influenced by their families, by wanting to attend an Indian training program, and by wanting a better standard of living.Teachers who had attended a provincial school and received funding from the province of Saskatchewan were likely to be Metis.They had been strongly influenced by personal concerns for identity and independence. Family influence was a lesser factor.<p>In a further step of data analysis, the computation of mean response scores, individual family members, teachers, and the community were found to be relatively unimportant variables related to the decision to become a teacher.<p>Personality needs, interests, and abilities were important; the desire to improve socio-economic status and identification with a role model were found to be relatively unimportant.<p>The demand for Indian/Native teachers, the desire to help Indian/Native people, and Indian/Native control of the education system were found to be important variables. The desire to attend an Indian/Native training program and to receive funding during training were relatively unimportant variables related to the decision to become a teacher.

The purpose of this study was to identify and describe the variables related to the occupational choice of Indian/Native teachers in Saskatchewan. In addition, four questions were posed to determine the extent of influence of specific people, internal agents, and ethnic concerns.<p>The sample for the study consisted of 115 Indian/Native teachers, all graduates of the Indian/Native Teacher Education Programs, and employed within Saskatchewan schools. Data was collected by a mail-out questionnaire. Through analysis of the data, the variables were identified, as was the extent of influence of specific people, internal agents, and ethnic concerns.<p>The major finding of this study was that Indian/Native teachers chose teaching as an occupation for reasons related primarily to ethnic concerns, rather than to variables identified in occupational choice approaches. Important differences were found in the variables of choice between Status Indian and Metis teachers; between younger and older teachers; and among those who had decided to become teachers within different age groups. These findings suggested the need for specially designed career education programs and the presentation of occupational information that would be relevant to Indian/Native students.<p>The five statements ranked most important by the total group in the decision to become a teacher were:<p>1.I enjoy working with children and/or youth. <p>2.Indian/Native teachers were needed in the school.<p>3.I wanted to help my people. <p>4.Indian/Native people are responsible for their own survival as a people.<p>5.I wanted to help Indian/Native people gain control of their education system.<p>Only the first statement related to occupational choice approach with the remaining four stemming from Indian/Native concerns.<p>Five research hypotheses were tested to answer the research questions. Significant differences were found leading to the acceptance of the hypotheses and the findings that differences existed between the variables related to the occupational choice of teachers classified on the basis of:<p>1. Age when the questionnaire was completed: The younger teachers, 19 30 years, differed from older teachers in their search for improved self identity; in being influenced by the opportunity to be a role model; and in desire to work against discrimination in schools. The older teachers, 31 years and older, were more influenced by positive family support; by the need to be with people; and by the desire for better living conditions.<p>2. Age when the decision was made to become a teacher: Respondents who had chosen teaching between the ages of 6 to 18 years,highlighted the importance of having supportive family; the desire to develop a positive self image; and the wish to gain professional recognition. Those who made the choice between 19 to 25 years, also pointed out self image needs. For them, the opportunity to be a role model was important, but family influence had been a minor factor. Those who decided at a later age, 26 years or older, wished to work with people and thought that teaching matched their interests.<p>3. Ethnic identity: Status Indian teachers had been strongly influenced by the family in contrast to the Metis group, which did not include family elements in their selection of 10 very important statements. The Me.tis teachers were motivated to teach because of perceived discrimination within schools; the need for an improved self image; and the perception that in teaching they could do what they liked to do.<p>4.Type of school attended.<p>5.Source of funding received while attending a teacher education program.<p>Teachers who had attended either a federal or residential school, and had received funding from Indian and Northern Affairs Canada were likely to be Status Indians.They had been strongly influenced by their families, by wanting to attend an Indian training program, and by wanting a better standard of living.Teachers who had attended a provincial school and received funding from the province of Saskatchewan were likely to be Metis.They had been strongly influenced by personal concerns for identity and independence. Family influence was a lesser factor.<p>In a further step of data analysis, the computation of mean response scores, individual family members, teachers, and the community were found to be relatively unimportant variables related to the decision to become a teacher.<p>Personality needs, interests, and abilities were important; the desire to improve socio-economic status and identification with a role model were found to be relatively unimportant.<p>The demand for Indian/Native teachers, the desire to help Indian/Native people, and Indian/Native control of the education system were found to be important variables. The desire to attend an Indian/Native training program and to receive funding during training were relatively unimportant variables related to the decision to become a teacher.

No description available.

This study attempted to investigate the relationship of occupational choice to ego identity achievement, to self-concept, and to academic achievement, as these are related to Eric Erikson's contention that is adolescents' inability to settle on an occupational choice which disturbs them and results in a sense of identity diffusion (lack of solidified ideas of self, goals for life, and a need to seek external supports). The sample consisted of 320 senior high school boys in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth grades. Variables considered included: level of vocational commitment; ego identity; self-regard, i.e., self-concept, self-acceptance, ideal self and adjustment (sum of discrepancies between self and ideal self); and academic achievement, i.e., achievers or underachievers. The variables were treated by means of analysis of covariance, controlling for intelligence, Duncan range test, chi-square analysis, and Pearson product-moment correlations. Results of the analysis of data revealed that significant differences existed between adolescents who had expressed vocational commitments and adolescents who were vocationally undecided on (a) ego identity achievement, and (b) self-concept. In considering characteristics of those making or not making a vocational choice, it was found that level of vocational commitment of senior high school boys tends to be dependent on length of time the choice is considered, the amount of feedback and discussion with parents concerning the choice, father's occupation, and the influence of significant others. Another finding was that the verbalized vocational choice of adolescents is consistent with their measured interest. Ego identity was found to be nonsignificantly correlated with achievement and intelligence. Ego identity, self-concept, and self-acceptance have positive and significant intercorrelations (.01 level). It was concluded that adolescents who have not made a vocational commitment, demonstrate a greater degree of identity diffusion--lower ego identity achievement and lower self-concept--than adolescents who have expressed a vocational commitment. It was felt that the data supported Erikson's formulations concerning the period of adolescence to the extent that a positive and predictive relationship was found between level of occupational commitment and ego identity achievement, and between the level of occupation commitment and self-concept. It was felt that ego identity was not significantly related to intelligence or achievement. It was further concluded that ego identity, self-concept, and self-acceptance are related measures dealing with level of maturity and ego integration in adolescence.