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This study measures and compares the editorial reactions of ten Canadian metropolitan dailies to the FLQ kidnap crisis of 1970, and the specific, important events which occurred within the crisis. Besides comparing the editorial reactions of individual papers, the newspapers are also grouped by language (French and English) and by geographical location, to determine the effect of these two characteristics upon those reactions. The thesis is divided into four chapters, as follows: Methodology, an account of the crisis, the newspapers, and finally the presentation and analysis of the findings. The research method used is content analysis. Five categories are devised, into which are classified the editorial content of the newspapers analyzed. A frequency count method is used, with the theme as recording unit and the paragraph as context unit. Chapter two centers about a short account of the crisis and the selection of important events within the crisis which could be expected to have had some influence upon the editorial reactions of the papers. Chapter three consists of the selection of newspapers to be analyzed, of newspaper characteristics (language and location) which one might expect to have an effect upon editorial reactions, and finally of deferring editorial content for the purpose of this study. The presentation and analysis of findings (Chapter four) is subdivided into two parts-editorial reactions to the entire crisis and editorial reactions to important events within the crisis. It was found that the single greatest determinant of how a newspaper reacted editorially to the crisis was geographic allocation. The papers from Ontario and Quebec put considerable emphasis upon the dangers of excessive reaction by the authorities and upon the need for social reform as a solution to the crisis, whereas the papers from other regions were generally more concerned with the need for law and order. The French papers devoted more editorial space to the crisis than did the English papers but the nature of their reaction was generally similar to that of the English papers of Ontario and Quebec. The French papers greatly increased their editorial content about the crisis after the abduction of Pierre Laporte - the English papers only after the proclamation of the War Measures Act. Before the War Measures Act was proclaimed, all English papers had put a strong emphasis upon the need for law and order. After the proclamation, the English papers of Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa de-emphasized that issue. A summary of the more important findings of the study is presented as a concluding section of Chapter four. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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Pourquoi certains mouvements indépendantistes principalement non-violents sont-ils entraînés dans la violence par des factions radicales tandis que d’autres mouvements résistent à l’escalade des violences et continuent de s’engager sur une trajectoire non-violente ? Au Québec, la tentative la plus achevée du FLQ de faire escalader le conflit entre le mouvement indépendantiste et les forces étatiques s’est soldée par la dissolution des factions radicales et la disparition progressive de la violence au sein du répertoire d’action du mouvement. De même, l’escalade du conflit entre le FLQ et les forces étatiques lors de la crise d’Octobre n’a pas entraîné d’autres organisations indépendantistes vers la violence et c’est plutôt un processus de désescalade qui s’est mis en place, permettant ensuite au mouvement de réaliser plusieurs succès électoraux. En s’appuyant sur des entretiens semi-dirigés avec d’anciens militants indépendantistes et des recherches d’archives, ce mémoire retrace ainsi le processus par lequel les factions radicales ont échoué à radicaliser la trajectoire du mouvement indépendantiste québécois des années 1960 avant de disparaître au début de la décennie suivante. L’analyse soulève plus spécifiquement les mesures imposées par les principales organisations indépendantistes pour faire dé-escalader la violence et maintenir le mouvement sur sa trajectoire non-violente au travers de différents épisodes historiques. Ce mémoire révèle finalement comment un niveau de coopération de plus en plus important entre organisations indépendantistes concernant la posture à adopter vis-à-vis de la violence a permis d’isoler les franges radicales à l’intérieur du mouvement et d’empêcher ainsi les extrémistes d’affecter la réputation du mouvement ou d’entraver sa trajectoire démocratique et non-violente. / Why do radical factions draw some predominantly non-violent independence movements into violence, while other movements resist the escalation of violence and continue on their non-violent trajectory? In Quebec, the FLQ's most successful attempt to escalate the conflict between the independence movement and state forces during the October crisis resulted in the dissolution of radical factions and the gradual disappearance of violence from the movement's repertoire of action. Based on semi-structured interviews with former pro-independence activists and archival research, this thesis traces the process by which radical factions failed to radicalize the trajectory of the Quebec pro-independence movement in the 1960s before disappearing early in the following decade. Specifically, the analysis highlights the measures imposed by the main pro-independence organizations to defuse violence and keep the movement on its non-violent path through different historical episodes. This thesis ultimately reveals how an increasing level of cooperation among pro-independence organizations regarding the stance to take on violence has served to isolate radical factions within the movement and prevent extremists from affecting the movement's reputation or hindering its democratic and nonviolent trajectory.

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