This study focuses on Hegel¡¦s national philosophy."Philosophy of right" explains the spirit of the law¡Xfreedom. People¡¦s freedom lives, constitution and the social security system are the responsibility of a modern state. This article will find that the Constitution is the fundament of the state, because the constitution guarantees people¡¦s freedom and the rights. National study of Hegel's thought focuses on objective spirit, because country serves the population as a whole. Freedom, equality, and love that are what people need. French Revolution, in which era people pursued human dignity, is a milestone. This article emphasizes on human dignity, which is also the thought of Hegel's philosophy. The state, which implements at law, protects human dignity. Renaissance caused people to rethink the human values. Human beings believe that people can move toward a better life by their own efforts. The faith, man can triumph over nature, is the belief in this era. People can manage their owns as long as the Fair and justice legal system as protection. Hegel considered the country needs a constitution, because the Constitution is the common will of the people¡¦s, therefore, the state is that the common will of the people¡¦s. Human beings are yearning freedom, but freedom is not owned by everyone. People strive for freedom, which shows in French Revolution. Hegel was longing for the ideal of pursuit of freedom in French Revolution. This report, studies relationship between philosophy of law, equality and the constitution, as well as social security and fraternity, which bases on freedom, equality, fraternity ideals,and freedom. The target of modern country is the law, freedom and security.

The opening of the Estates General in 1789 came at a time of momentous national crisis. France’s separate Three Estates were summoned to meet and collectively decide about how best to remedy France’s many ills. However, the initial collegial spirit between the privileged First and Second Estates and the assertive Third Estate quickly evaporated. Antipathy towards certain nobles, particularly those perceived as corrupt and debauched, quickly crystalized in 1789 into hostile attacks on the entire Second Estate, who were all labeled dangerous “aristocrats”. The rapid disempowerment of one of Europe’s strongest élites is difficult to interpret without discussing the important role of widely produced anti-noble caricatures that targeted France’s nobility. Anti-noble caricatures, ranging from the malicious to the comical, were an essential component in the rapid sidelining and demonization of the nobility. From approximately 1789-1793 anti-noble caricatures constantly degraded and demonized their targets, in unrelenting and accessible imagery, marking them out as traitorous enemies. Caricatures not only helped convince the public that nobles were not only inhuman, but so dangerous in fact, that persecution and violence became options in order to purge France of its alleged aristocratic fifth columnists. / Graduate

My subject is Legitimism in the Third Republic, focusing on the period 1877- 93, namely the period which witnessed both the stabilisation of the Republic and the decline and ultimate failure of Legitimism as a political movement. Legitimism can be read as a local phenomenon, which makes studying it in the local context an obvious approach. I have opted for a comparative study, selecting two contrasting departements in the Midi-Pyrenees, the Haute-Garonne and A veyron. I approach Legitimism as a political culture, examining the ideas and ideology that underpinned Legitimist activity. In particular I investigate the role of myths of the Revolution of 1789 within this political culture, given the context of the 'republican Republic' that took shape 1877-79 and drew explicitly on the Revolution to legitimate itself. I suggest that previous research on Legitimism has seriously underestimated the importance of these myths within the Legitimist movement. My study is centred on an examination of the struggles initiated by the advent of the 'republican Republic': the struggle for republican education, the struggle for republican politics and the struggle for republican symbolism. At all these levels the Legitimist conceptions of society and of the nature of France were challenged. Legitimist mobilisation in the face of these challenges revealed not only their social and political conceptions, but also raised questions about the political strength of Legitimism in the novel context of mass politics. I show the successes and the failures that ensued, the importance of the local dimension and discuss Legitimist engagement in broader reactionary politics, suggesting that standard studies of the French right in this period have neglected nondynastic clerical conservative politics. I conclude by offering a new perspective on the nature of Legitimism.

U.S. American literary and creative artists perform the work of developing a discursive response to two critical moments in Haitian history: the Revolution (1791-1804) and the U.S. Marine Occupation (1915 to 1934), inspiring imaginations and imaginary concepts. Revolutionary images of Toussaint Louverture proliferated beyond the boundaries of Haiti illuminating the complicity of colonial powers in maintaining notions of a particularized racial discourse. Frank J. Webb, a free black Philadelphian, engages a scathing critique of Thomas Carlyle’s sage prose “On the Negro Question” (1849) through the fictional depiction of a painted image of Louverture in Webb’s novel The Garies and their Friends (1857). Travel writing and ethnographies of the Occupation provide platforms for new forms of artistic production involving Vodou. Following James Weldon Johnson’s critique of U.S. policy (1920), others members of the Harlem Renaissance provide a counter narrative that reengages particular U.S. readers with Haiti’s problematic Revolution through the visual and literary lens of the Occupation experience. The pseudo journalism of William Seabrook's The Magic Island (1929) serves as the poto mitan (center point) around which other creative works produced after the Occupation appear. Katherine Dunham, Zora Neale Hurston, and Maya Deren followed in Seabrook’s wake. Literature, performances, and film, as well as complementary ethnographic records for each follow from Dunham (Dances of Haiti, 1983), Hurston (Tell My Horse, 1938), and Deren (Divine Horsemen, 1953). The artistic production of these significant cultural producers may better represent their experience of fieldwork in Haiti following the Occupation. Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937), Dunham’s exposure of Haitian dances across the world stage, and Deren’s experimental films better capture the reciprocal effect of the ethnographic process on each in their continued presentation to contemporary audiences. Literature directly related to their production appears later in Ishmael Reed’s Mumbo Jumbo (1972), Arthur Flowers’s Another Good Loving Blues (1993), Edwidge Danticat’s Breath, Eyes, Memory (1994), and Nalo Hopkinson’s The Salt Roads (2005). These productive literatures and art forms actively engage in creating the transnational ideal of diaspora as we understand it today. All dance delicately with spirit.

Pierre Paul Prud’hon (1758-1823) lived and worked as an artist during the last years of the French Monarchy, the Revolution, the Republic, the Empire and finally the Restoration. He mostly worked with allegory, setting him apart from other artists at the time, such as Jacques Louis David. While Prud’hon was a significant artist in his own time, he is only just being rehabilitated today. In this thesis I trace Prud’hon’s artistic career as an allegorical painter through the different governments, examining thematically his different types of allegories, from the moral to the political. In particular, the context of allegory is examined, including how Prud’hon approaches allegory and criticism and interpretation of his use of allegory. This examination of Prud’hon highlights what was so unusual about Prud’hon’s art – primarily his use, with reasonable success, of allegory. This alone makes it clear that he should be held in higher regard by today’s art historians.

The central question which will be considered in this thesis is how Mao Zedong formulated a concept of imperialism and resistance to it, to enable and continue the socialist revolution in China. The specific focus in this thesis is an explanation of how Mao understood imperialism in order to use it and to turn it into anti-imperialism, the origins of his ideas, his theoretical development of it and his application of this idea in practice. At the same time, it will be examined how other aspects of Mao's thinking were linked to this central, strategic concept. The thesis begins by examining Mao's connection and indebtedness to Marx and Lenin: this has not yet been done with regard to his use of the concept of 'imperialism'. This thesis, besides being a contribution to the history of Marxism therefore, aims to fill a gap in research on Mao. It will help to establish how Mao used the concepts of imperialism and anti-imperialism. In addition, my research is part of the discussion as to what degree Marxism has been revised in the process. The argument essentially will be that Mao, basing himself on Marx and Lenin, used their concepts to adapt Marxism-Leninism in a novel manner in Chinese circumstances, first to win the revolution, and then to construct what he regarded as socialism. Thus the thesis will do two things: a) it will clarify Mao's relationship to Marx and Lenin: Why did Mao's Marxism-Leninism take the form it did. Did Mao stand on Lenin's shoulders.; and b) it will contribute to understanding why the Chinese Communist Party won the revolution.

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Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Also available in print.