The paths to homelessness are complex and attributable to a combination of structural issues associated with poverty that can magnify personal vulnerabilities. However, as homelessness became more prominent in news media during the 1980s, media discourse increasingly focused on personal characteristics within the homeless population which cast people as personally responsible for their plight. Simultaneously, media explanations for homelessness that called attention to structural conditions that contribute to homelessness decreased during the decade. Scholars explain this shift by situating it within the social and political climate of the time. This study extends the line of research on homelessness in news media in order to understand how coverage of homelessness has changed between the 1980s and the 2010s. A quantitative content analysis examines newspaper articles in two cities in the western United States -- Portland, Oregon, and San Diego, California -- where homelessness is a prominent and enduring social and political issue. News articles are examined for changes between two time periods (1988-1990 and 2014-2016) in mentions of personal and structural factors as well as changes in the discussion of solutions for homelessness. Results show an increase over time in portrayals of structural factors that contribute to homelessness as well as an increase in talk about permanent housing solutions. However, mentions of personal problems and behaviors, such as mental illness and substance abuse, have also increased. This suggests that, while news discourse may be moving toward more nuanced portrayals that acknowledge societal factors, news media still tend to focus on characteristics of homelessness that can cast people as personally culpable.

Set in the context of the Chinese Exclusion Acts, the Woman's Missionary Association (WMA) of the Church of the United Brethren in Christ supported the community education and evangelistic work of Moy Ling in Portland, Oregon, from 1882 until his death in 1926.Moy immigrated to the United States in 1872 at the age of 19. Settling in Portland, Moy worked as a household servant for General Oliver Otis Howard who was stationed in Portland as commander of the Department of the Columbia from 1874 to 1880. Howard was instrumental in Moy's conversion to Christianity. Moy opened a night school for the Chinese community of Portland in 1877. In 1882, Moy came in contact with Bishop Nicholas Castle who brokered a partnership between Moy and the WMA. Over the next half century, the Portland Chinese Mission made important contributions to the education of the Chinese immigrant communities in Portland, established the Kwan Hing Church, and shaped the attitudes of a generation of United Brethren members toward the Chinese.The United Brethren Church experienced a schism in 1889, dividing into the New Constitution and Old Constitution branches. Moy was instrumental in the establishment of United Brethren missions in Guangzhou, China, for both branches of the church. In 1889, Moy traveled to China with a New Constitution delegation to open a mission in Guangzhou. In 1924, Moy introduced the Old Constitution WMA to Chiu Yan Tsz, a professor at Canton Christian College in Guangzhou, who then founded the Old Constitution mission in China.Moy sought to influence United States immigration policy. His relationship with Howard developed into a lasting friendship, and they kept in contact for over 30 years. Letters between the two men show that Moy, together with a group of Portland merchants, engaged Howard to use his national reputation to advocate against the permanent congressional renewal of the Geary Act in 1902.The relationship between Moy and the WMA displayed characteristics which are consistent with current missiological definitions of healthy partnership. Such characteristics, as described by Luis Bush, include autonomy, trust, agreed-upon expectations, complementary resources, and mutual goals. / Department of Educational Studies

At the beginning of the twentieth century, transient laborers in Portland, Oregon faced marginalization and exploitation at the hands of the classes that relied on them for their own prosperity. Portland at this time was poised to flourish as a major population and industrial center of the American West. The industries that fueled the city's growth were dependent on cheap and mobile manual labor made available by the expansion of the nation's railroads. As the city prospered and grew, the elite of the city created and promoted an image of Portland as an Eden of material abundance where industriousness and virtue would lead inevitably to prosperity. There was no room in Portland's booster image for unemployed but otherwise able-bodied men that fueled this prosperity but saw no benefit from it. Their very existence challenged both the image of the city itself, and broader and deeper pillars of American identity. The response to the presence of this mobile, underemployed and largely white male labor class by Portland citizens and institutions was driven by, and in turn helped shape, competing mythologies of both the American West and American masculinity at a time when the country was struggling to define and redefine these constructs. Examining these floating men through their portrayal in popular culture, laws, and charitable efforts of the time exposes a deep anxiety about the notions of worth, gender, and American virtue.

This thesis traces the historical evolution of one of the early responses to youth crime and violence -- public school police. In addition, this thesis addresses the lack of information about the creation and implementation of a public school police force, specifically the Portland Public School Police and School District No. 1, during its formative years, 1937 to 1953. Finally, the thesis intends to address two principal questions: A) Why did the Portland Board of Education find it necessary to create their own police agency? While one opinion suggests that there was a real need for school police due to the escalating crime raking place within the school district, the other opinion suggests that the school police were created mostly for underlying political reasons rather than general public safety. B) What were the principal functions of the School Police? The initial function of the Portland Public School Police was to protect school property and reduce the monetary loss incurred by the school district. However, after 1941, when large number; of immigrants came to Portland with their school-age children, the Portland Public School Police expanded their function from property protection and reduction of monetary loss to include crime repression and protection.

This study explores the Portland music scene as a context in which local identity is constructed and communicated in a globalized world. Specifically, neo-localism is utilized as a theoretical lens through which the impacts of globalization were explored. Portland bands (n=8) were interviewed concerning their experiences in the local music scene. The results showed that participants conceptualized local identity as being 1) based in community, 2) culturally saturated and 3) connected to musical production. Further, results showed that participants were increasingly aware of this local identity, were aware of a global perception of this local identity and were aware of other local identities. Overall the results from this study support neo-localism as a useful conceptual lens for understanding local identity for Portland bands.

On March 14, 1975, twenty-eight year old Portland Police Officer Kenneth Sanford shot and killed seventeen-year-old Rickie Charles Johnson in the back of the head during a sting operation. Incredulously, Johnson was the fourth person of color to be shot and killed by Portland police within a five-month period. Due to his age and surrounding circumstances, Johnson's death by Sanford elicited extreme reactions from varied communities of Portland. Unlike previous deaths of people of color by the police in Portland, Johnson's death received widespread attention from mainstream media outlets. In response, some white citizens decried Johnson's death as unjustified police brutality. Still, several white citizens defended the Portland Police Bureau and their actions. Members of Portland's African American community, however, firmly believed that Johnson's death was just another instance in the PPB's long history of police brutality within Portland's black neighborhoods. Johnson's death motivated young black activists in Portland, Oregon to form the advocacy group the Black Justice Committee (BJC). The BJC, along with several pre-established advocacy groups in Portland, demanded that the city host its first public inquest to investigate Johnson's death. A public inquest is a public "trial" that usually occurs after a sudden or unexpected death. Black citizens felt this public inquest would hold the city accountable for repeated mistreatment of the city's communities of color; whereas, the nearly all white city government believed a public inquest would quell racial unrest within Portland. Mayor Neil Goldschmidt and District Attorney Harl Haas agreed to host the inquest, at which assistant District Attorney John Moore questioned Officer Sanford's motivations and actions. Despite the advocacy efforts before the public inquest, the jury voted 4-1 for Sanford's innocence. The only black jury member casted the sole vote against Sanford's innocence. Heralded for its progressivity, the city of Portland, Oregon is contemporarily viewed as a liberal mecca where all are welcome to speak their truth and "Keep Portland Weird." However, communities of color have experienced widespread repression, oppression and discrimination since the establishment of the city. Whereas some may see Portland as a city that cherishes individuality, Portland's black community has been robbed of autonomy for generations. Police surveillance, harassment and brutality have plagued Portland's black community for years and continues to be a contentious issue within the city. This project focuses on the history of Portland's black community, the history of the Portland Police Bureau, and the relationship between the two. Starting with World War II and ending with Officer Sanford's public inquest in April 1975, this thesis showcases the unassailability of Portland's black activist community and the city's continued denial of culpability for police actions. Despite the inquest's results, Johnson's death and the advocacy surrounding the incident fueled the motivations of activists at both the national and state level, and encouraged the city to acknowledge the wrongdoings of the Bureau.

Two years after Dutch émigré Andries Deinum was fired from the University of Southern California in 1955 for refusing to cooperate with the House Un-American Activities Committee, he moved to Portland, Oregon to teach film courses through the Portland Extension Center. By 1969 he had become integral to the local film community and had formed Portland State University's Center for the Moving Image (CMI), where he and Tom Taylor taught film history, criticism, and production for the next thirteen years. Although CMI was eliminated in 1981 as part of PSU's financial exigency, CMI's teachers and students have been a vital part of the thriving film community in Portland since its foundation. A key former student and figure in Portland's film community, Dr. Brooke Jacobson credits Deinum, Taylor, and CMI for laying the foundation for the Northwest Film Center (co-founded by Jacobson in 1971 as the Northwest Film Study Center). Through archival research and oral history methodology, this thesis pieces together Andries Deinum's role in the development of film education in the United States and the mark he left on Portland's cultural landscape, specifically the city's vital and thriving cinematic community.

Catholic Action was an international movement that encouraged active promotion of the Catholic faith by ordinary believers. While the idea gained force at a local level in Italy in the early twentieth century, Pope Pius XI gave the philosophy official Church approval in 1931. Catholic Action served as a major intellectual and religious force among American Catholics from the Great Depression until the transformations in Catholicism caused by the Second Vatican Council from 1962 to 1965. The program encouraged American Catholics both to promote the practice of the faith among fellow Church members and to express Catholic teachings in the public realm in order to influence political and economic policy. Because the Church's social teaching articulated strong reservations regarding free-market capitalism, Catholic Action proved compelling to progressives and leftists among the faithful. American Catholic leftists during this era continued a long tradition of social justice activism among Catholic immigrant workers and their descendants. Yet Catholic political mobilization could also serve conservative ends, as when believers gathered in rallies against Hollywood movies or communism. Regardless of whether they engaged in progressive or conservative activism, however, Catholics' organized efforts in the mid-twentieth century fortified their already strong sense of religious identity. This thesis examines two Catholic public figures in Portland, Oregon during the era of Catholic Action: Hall S. Lusk, a lawyer who held many public offices including that of Oregon Supreme Court Justice, and Francis J. Murnane, a leader in the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. Biographies of the two men demonstrate that the two served as important spokesmen for Catholic principles in mostly non-Catholic Portland. While Lusk viewed Catholic Action as an opportunity to strengthen American Catholics' devotion to the nation, Murnane's version authorized radical dissent against the nation's social and economic structure. An analytical chapter examines how the same Catholic Action philosophy drove the two men in different directions politically but imbued each with a strong sense of Catholic identity. The Conclusion discusses the continued relevance of the study of the Catholic Action period by pointing to the surprising durability of Catholic cultural cohesion throughout American history and to the powerful force that religious faith possesses to inspire activists on both the left and the right.

During the first half of the twentieth century there was a flourishing of publishers in the United States that specialized in books with content targeted for regional audiences. One of the largest regional publishers west of the Mississippi was the Binfords & Mort publishing company of Portland, Oregon. In 1930, Binfords & Mort began publishing works of fiction, history, poetry, children's literature, and natural history by Pacific Northwest authors with content focused on the Pacific Northwest. Between 1930 and 1984, when the Binford family sold the publishing company, Binfords & Mort published around one thousand titles, and became a one of the leading influences on the Oregon literary scene. Although Binfords & Mort did not publish books that received widespread critical praise from national literary critics, its books sold well to Oregon readers. This thesis examines the economic and cultural contexts for Binfords & Mort, and its larger cultural impacts. The thesis also challenges the standard claim that Oregon literature underwent a major shift toward modernism after the publication of H.L. Davis's and James Stevens's critique of Oregon writing, Status Rerum in 1927. Instead, the thesis proposes that by looking at the output of Oregon's most popular publisher, Binfords & Mort, one finds that an older style of writing focused on the pioneer period continued to be popular well into the twentieth century. These publications had a widespread impact on Oregon's cultural development.

The labor movement's groundswell in the 1990s accompanied a period of intense competition and conglomeration within the retail book sector. Unexpectedly, the intersection of these two trends produced two dozen union drives across the country between 1996 and 2004 at large retail bookstores, including Borders and Barnes & Noble. Historians have yet to fully examine these retail organizing contests or recount their contributions to the labor movement and its history, including booksellers' pioneering use of the internet as an organizing tool. This thesis focuses on the aspirations, tactics, and contributions of booksellers in their struggles to unionize their workplaces, while also exploring the economic context surrounding bookselling and the labor movement at the end of the twentieth century. While the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) auspiciously announced a national campaign in 1997 to organize thousands of bookstore clerks, the only successfully unionized bookstore from this era that remains today is the Powell's Books chain in Portland, Oregon with over 400 workers represented by the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) Local 5. Local 5's successful union campaign at Powell's Books occurring between 1998 and 2000 is at the center of this study and stands out as a point of light against a dark backdrop of failed union attempts in the retail sector during the latter decades of the twentieth century. This inquiry utilizes Local 5's internal document archive and the collection of oral histories gathered by labor historians Edward Beechert and Harvey Schwartz in 2001 and 2002. My analysis of these previously unexamined records demonstrates how Powell's efforts to thwart the ILWU campaign proved a decisive failure and contributed to the polarization of a super majority of the workforce behind Local 5. Equally, my analysis illustrates how the self-organization, initiative, and unrelenting creativity of booksellers transformed a narrow union election victory to overwhelming support for the union's bargaining committee. Paramount to Local 5's contract success was the union's partnership with Portland's social justice community, which induced a social movement around Powell's Books at a time of increased political activity and unity among the nation's labor, environment, and anti-globalization activists. The bonds of solidarity and mutual aid between Local 5 and its community allies were forged during the World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 and Portland's revival of May Day in 2000. Following eleven work stoppages and fifty-three bargaining sessions, the union acquired a first contract that far exceeded any gains made by the UFCW at its unionized bookstores. The Powell's agreement included improvements to existing health and retirement benefits plus an 18 percent wage increase for employees over three years. This analysis brings to light the formation of a distinct working-class culture and consciousness among Powell's booksellers, communicated through workers' essays, artwork, strikes, and solidarity actions with the social justice community. It provides a detailed account of Local 5's creative street theater tactics and work stoppages that captured the imagination of activists and the attention of the broader community. The conflict forced the news media and community leaders to publicly choose sides in a labor dispute reminiscent of struggles not seen in Portland since the 1950s. Observers of all political walks worried that the Portland cultural and commercial intuition would collapse under the weight of the two-year labor contest. My research illustrates the tension among the city's liberal and progressive populace created by the upstart union's presence at prominent liberal civic leader Michael Powell's iconic store and how the union organized prominent liberal leaders on the side of their cause. It concludes by recognizing that Local 5's complete history remains a work in progress, but that its formation represents an indispensable Portland contribution to the revitalized national labor movement of the late 1990s.