Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study discusses the extent to which transnational organised crime (TOC) has had an impact on Norwegian immigration policy. There has been a public debate in Norway about the involvement of asylum seekers in various forms of organised crime, leading immigration authorities to lament their insufficient resources and means to tackle the problem. Simultaneously, restrictive amendments have been made to the Norwegian Immigration Act, suggesting that immigration law is applied against TOC. The aim of the study is to understand why there has been a change in Norwegian immigration policy, and to discuss the effects and implications of the change. The study is a single-case study using qualitative methods, as the study seeks to provide a detailed description of Norwegian immigration policy and the context in which the changes in the immigration policy have been made. The case of Norway has been chosen because of the increasing focus that TOC has been receiving from Norwegian immigration authorities, accompanied by broad media coverage and restrictive amendments to the Immigration Act. The theories that are applied – criminologies of the self and the other, crimmigration, and securitisation theory – are all chosen because they address different aspects of “us” and “them” thinking. The study argues that the increased focus on transnational organised crime in Norwegian crime statistics reflects the narrative of the criminal other, found in criminologies of the self and the other. Within this narrative the criminal others are distinctly different from ordinary citizens of society and must be excluded for our own security and protection. This contributes to reinforcement of a discourse in which asylum seekers and illegal immigrants become difficult to distinguish from suspicious others and criminals. Accordingly, there is support for the claim that Norwegian immigration policy has been subject to a process of crimmigration. Further, it is found that Norwegian immigration policy has been securitised. It is concluded that although there might be a connection between transnational organised crime and a shift in immigration policy, the change in immigration policy is rather a result of the larger issue of immigration in general. The theoretical framework shows how immigration becomes framed within a security and criminal context, leading to a narrative where the other becomes a potential threat to members of society. This is problematic in a world where inequality is on the rise, and international conventions on human rights are at odds with punitive populism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie bespreek tot watter mate transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad ʼn impak gehad het op Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid. ʼn Openbare debat is in Noorweë gevoer oor die betrokkenheid van asielsoekers by verskeie vorme van georganiseerde misdaad, wat daartoe gelei het dat immigrasie-owerhede beswaar gemaak het teen die onvoldoende hulpbronne en middele wat tot hul beskikking is om die probleem aan te spreek. Terselfdertyd is beperkende wysigings in Noorweë se immigrasiewet aangebring wat aandui dat immigrasiereg teen transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad aangewend moet word. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te verstaan waarom ʼn verandering in Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid aangebring is en om die gevolge en implikasies van hierdie verandering te ondersoek. ʼn Enkele gevallestudie is in hierdie studie onderneem en daar is gebruik gemaak van kwalitatiewe metodes om die navorser in staat te stel om ʼn gedetailleerde beskrywing te gee van Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid en die konteks waarbinne die veranderinge in hierdie beleid aangebring is. Noorweë is as gevallestudie gekies as gevolg van die toenemende fokus wat deur Noorweegse immigrasieowerhede op transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad geplaas word, vergesel van omvattende mediadekking, en die beperkende wysigings wat in die immigrasiewet aangebring is. Die teorieë wat in hierdie studie aangewend is – kriminologie oor die “self” en die “ander”, “krimigrasie” (crimmigration) en sekerheidsteorie – is gekies op grond daarvan dat hulle verskillende aspekte van denke oor “ons” (die “self”) en “hulle” (die “ander”) aanspreek. In hierdie studie word daar geargumenteer dat die toenemende fokus op transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad in Noorweegse misdaadstatistiek die narratief van die kriminele “ander” reflekteer, waarna daar in die kriminologie oor die “self” en die “ander” verwys word. In hierdie narratief word ʼn duidelike onderskeid tussen die kriminele “ander” en die “gewone” burgers getref en die kriminele moet ter wille van hierdie burgers se veiligheid en beskerming uitgesluit word van die samelewing. Dit dra by tot die versterking van ʼn diskoers waarin dit moeilik word om asielsoekers en onwettige immigrante van verdagtes en kriminele te onderskei. Dienooreenkomstig daarmee is daar steun vir die bewering dat Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid onderworpe is aan ʼn krimigrasieproses. Verder is daar bevind dat Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid aangepas is deur dit binne ʼn sekerheidsraamwerk te plaas. Daar is tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat alhoewel daar ʼn verband tussen transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad en ʼn verskuiwing in immigrasiebeleid mag wees, die verandering in immigrasiebeleid eerder ʼn gevolg is van die groter kwessie rondom immigrasie in die algemeen. Die teoretiese raamwerk dui aan hoe immigrasie geskets word in ʼn sekuriteits- en kriminele konteks, wat lei tot ʼn narratief waar die “ander” ʼn potensiële bedreiging vir lede van die samelewing word. Dit is problematies in ʼn wêreld waar ongelykheid toeneem en internasionale konvensies oor menseregte strydig is met strafbare populisme.

Je démontre que, dans cette région (le Sahel), les groupes armés (djihadistes ou indépendantistes) agissent moins pour des valeurs que par cupidité. C’est pourquoi la violence n’y résulte pas de leur volonté d’imposer leurs projets (un émirat islamique ou un Etat indépendant touarègue) mais de la hausse d’activités criminelles entraînant l’implication d’un nombre grandissant d’acteurs.Ce travail de recherche a commencé par une enquête, en 2009, après l’enlèvement de ressortissants espagnols par AQMI (Al Qaida au Maghreb islamique) à Nouadhibou (nord-ouest de la Mauritanie). J’ai alors entamé une série entretiens avec des repentis d’AQMI, autour de la thématique de la « Salafiya djihadia» : en Mauritanie d’abord, puis au nord du Mali, où les otages avaient été transférés. Par la suite, j’ai continué ma recherche au Burkina Faso et au Niger (lieu de négociations pour la libération des otages) par des entretiens avec des combattants actifs et inactifs des groupes d’insurgés, et d’anciens combattants de groupes terroristes actuellement intégrés dans le système. Ces entretiens ont été complétés par de nombreuses rencontres avec les notables des communautés tribales dans le nord du Mali, qui ne s’identifient pas aux groupes armés mais ont des liens familiaux et claniques avec eux.C’est à partir de là que j’ai commencé à développer un carnet de recherche qui, après des enquêtes de terrain (Tombouctou, Gao, le sud du Mali, Niamey et Ouagadougou), m’a amenée à conclure qu’attribuer la menace au Sahel au «Djihad» ou bien au «radicalisme religieux» est très réducteur. A travers le discours de chefs de tribus, de barons de la drogue, de repentis d’organisations armées basées sur les référents tribaux, j’ai compris que la situation sécuritaire au Sahel dépasse la question idéologique - djihadiste ou sécessionniste - et qu’il faut introduire les dimensions espace/terre/économie pour une analyse complète. C’est-à-dire que, sans exclure toute motivation idéologique dans l’agenda des groupes armés, la tendance à leur (re)configuration en fonction d’opportunités économiques marque une évolution majeure dans la situation sécuritaire.En focalisant la recherche vers la connexion entre l’espace, la tribu et l’affichage idéologique, je déconstruis d’abord le postulat que les rebellions, en particulier touarègues, représentent les populations du nord Mali, ne serait-ce qu’en raison de la diversité des communautés qui y vivent (Arabes, Peuls, Songhai). Je déconstruis également l’idée que les soulèvements armés survenus dans ‘l’Azawad’ à partir du XXe siècle répondent à des raisons idéologiques, alors qu’il s’agit avant tout de gestion d’un espace en termes économiques (enlèvements d’otages, trafics d’armes et de cocaïne…).Je décris et analyse ensuite les différentes facettes du djihadisme au Nord du Mali en cherchant à répondre à la question suivante : que s’est-il passé au cours des deux dernières décennies pour que les djihadistes aient pu facilement établir des zones d’influence ? Puis j’analyse l’impact du crime organisé et sa pénétration au Mali : les acteurs et les réseaux de cette nouvelle économie, mais aussi ses effets sur les Etats et les comportements sociaux, y compris à travers des organisations de type mafieux. Ce qui confirme la thèse que le souffle religieux ou nationaliste est moins déterminant que les enjeux de pouvoir économique dans les priorités du nouvel agenda des groupes armés sahéliens. / The Sahel region’s threat is not only related to Radical Islamic terrorists, it is more related to organized crime and drug traffic where the terrorist’s structures are involved. It means, for the European Union and the north of Africa, it is much more difficult to fight against this new phenomena. In this article we analyze this threat that is becoming huge and serious. And we go in depth in the combination between criminal acts and drugs business, which was transformed to a jihadist’s project of AQMI in the north of Mali. The usage of nationaliste-religiouse speech is still the base of this terrorist group and their allies to recruit new candidates to their cause. The cause is political-religious is become to criminal economy.

No description available.

Magister Legum - LLM / German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD)

Thesis (MPA.) -- University of Limpopo, 2017 / The aim of this study was to assess the effectiveness of the measures in the prevention and control of organised crime by government agencies based in Limpopo Province. The research was qualitative in nature and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 law enforcement officers from the DPCI, DSSL, SAPS, Home Affairs, SARS Customs and Excess, AFU, and the NPA PCLU. Data was analysed though thematic analysis. The results revealed that the government strategies in Limpopo still require concerted efforts in the prevention and control of organised crime. The government has identified measures to fight organised crime and has adopted the criminal justice response/ institutional and the legislative response to the crime. The measures taken by various units are found to be ineffective in dealing with organised crime since organised criminal networks are often flexible, dynamic, innovative and resilient. Furthermore, corrupt activities and collusions by law enforcement officers hinder the effective implementation of the strategies to control organised crime. The findings of the study show that there is coordination and communication among the law enforcement agencies such as the DPCI, SARS, Home Affairs, and the NPA PCLU, among others. This coordination is envisaged through intelligence, information sharing and interoperability. The study highlighted poor implementation of the multi-agency approach as one institution is expected to facilitate and lead the prevention of organised crime (which is the DPCI). The findings further highlight, for example, that the smuggling of illegal cigarettes is currently a challenge for the provincial government as a highly committed organised crime. The study recommends for the development, by the government, of an Organised Crime Threat Assessment in order to effectively recognise the need for responses, which should be based on a sound understanding of the nature and characteristics of the organised crime environment. In addition, it recommends for the development of an Organised Crime Response Plan to align efforts to identified critical organised crime threats. The study further recommends for the adoption, by the government, of relevant multi-agency approaches in addressing organise crime – both operational and policy or regulatory – which will underpin a whole-of-provincial government approach to organised crime. KEY WORDS: Organised Crime, Criminal, Crime Prevention, Crime Control, Effectiveness, Coordination.

This thesis deals with the history and evolution of the phenomenon of the Camorra in one of the southern Italian regions - Campania. Camorra originated as a result of appalling social conditions in the south of Italy before its unification. The former ruling system in Naples neighborhood was inefficient and distant for the general population. In contrast, the Camorra everyday system responded immediately and was efficient, fast and productive. Before the constitution of the modern Italian state in 1861, Camorra had already more than half a century of history and activities, and was firmly established itself in the society of Campania. From 1819, when the first written note about Camorra appeared till the first decade of the 21st century it has undergone a complicated and interesting development and changes. During this period, there were several transformations in the functioning of its system. From the initial racketeering and small crime the Camorra's system was transformed into the highly organized companies, whose representatives can be well established members of the highest levels of the Italian society. The thesis also describes how the Camorra's social security ensures its members. From the point of view of Camorra's members their system never fails on the contrary to the official state...

Borderlands are critical security zones but remain poorly understood. In regions plagued by drug violence and conflict, violent groups compete for territorial control, cooperate in illegal cross-border activities, and substitute for the functions of the state in these areas. Despite undermining physical security, fuelling fear, and challenging the state’s sovereignty, the exact modi operandi of these groups are little known. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores how different interactions among violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the Colombian-Ecuadorian and Colombian-Venezuelan borderlands impact on citizen security. These border areas attract rebels, paramilitaries and criminal organisations alike: they constitute geo-strategic corridors for the global cocaine industry and are sites of supply and operation for the major actors involved in Colombia’s decades-long armed internal conflict. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this thesis consolidates the literature on conflict, security and organised crime, borders and borderlands, and anthropological approaches to fear and violence. It integrates theories of cooperation among social actors with original empirical research. It is based on a comparative, multi-sited case-study design, using ethnographic methods complemented by quantitative data. The research involved over twelve months of fieldwork with 433 interviews and participant observation on both sides of the crisis-affected Colombia-Ecuador and Colombia-Venezuela borders, and in Bogotá, Caracas and Quito. Developing a typology of VNSA interactions, I argue that these create not only physical violence but also less visible types of insecurity: when VNSAs fight each other, citizens are exposed to violence but follow the rules imposed by the opposing parties. Fragile alliances produce uncertainty among communities and erode the social fabric by fuelling interpersonal mistrust. Where VNSAs provide security and are socially recognised, "shadow citizen security" arises: security based on undemocratic means. I show that the geography of borderlands reinforces the distinct impacts of VNSA arrangements on citizen security yet renders them less visible.

7 Criminological aspects of organized crime Abstract The aim of this study named Criminological aspects of organized crime is mainly to provide a general insight to organized criminality as itself a systematize particular legal and social means, that are used to fight organized crime these days. Apart from the identification of the problems connected with application of certain means in practice I tried to outline possible solutions for the future that would lead to increasing the effectivity of fight with organized crime. The first chapter is focused on the general definition of organized crime and particular trait names that characterise organized crime and distinguish it from other forms of criminal activity. The second chapter called development of organized crime is dedicated mainly to historical roots of organized crime, its origin and changes through time. The most important global organized criminal groups are described in the second part of this chapter, which are an Italian Mafia, American La Cosa Nostra, Chinese triad and other. The third chapter focuses on typology of organized crime and particular internal organizational structure, their typical signs an expressions, whereas offers several means of division. In the fourth chapter, I devoted myself to the development of organized crime in the...

Doctor Legum - LLD / This thesis investigates the legislative measures employed in South Africa to combat the implication of lawyers in money laundering schemes. Criminals make use of sophisticated technological means to transfer money and launderers routinely approach lawyers to assist them in their illegal endeavours. The legal profession is almost tailor-made for abuse by launderers, because lawyers work with huge amounts of money, clients are entitled to legal professional privilege and the right to legal representation is guaranteed constitutionally. The South African anti-money laundering regime, for the most part, is contained in two statutes, the Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA) and the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA). Whilst FICA and POCA require the legal profession to be vigilant and accountable in the fight against money laundering, unfortunately they also infringe on hard-won rights, such as legal professional privilege, the right to legal representation and attorney-client confidentiality. The study considers South Africa’s efforts to fulfil its international anti-money laundering obligations whilst upholding the criminal procedural rights guaranteed in the Constitution. It is suggested that certain sections of FICA and POCA fail to find the required balance between protecting citizens from the harms of money laundering and protecting the fundamental rights of attorneys and their clients. Lawyers are in a unique position of trust and in some instances have access to information that may incriminate their clients. Unfortunately, in its quest to combat money laundering, Parliament did not consider seriously enough the position of lawyers and took the easy option of criminalising fees paid with tainted funds, as well as the non-submission of suspicious transaction reports (STRs) and cash transaction reports (CTRs). As a result, the South African legal profession is saddled with unacceptable constraints.

The Yugoslav wars of the 1990s - namely Croatia/ Bosnia (1991-1995) and Kosovo (1998-1999) - were the focus of unprecedented, and uninformed, international attention. This attention accepted at face value an ethnic rationale for the conflict that was often peddled by the combatants themselves; such rationales served to mask the economic and political aspirations of engaged state- and non-state actors. The wars allowed organised crime to take root and proliferate exponentially across geographical, political, and economic spheres. It became a tool of states, militaries and militias; states co-opted criminals, and vice-versa. The Serbian state became a criminal entity (as did, to a lesser extent, surrounding states) in partial control of a thoroughly criminalised regional combat economy, often in collusion with supposed ethnic `enemies.¿ Reconstruction, development, and governance interventions conducted by international actors in the successor states of the former Yugoslavia remain stifled by an absence of understanding of both the systematic infrastructural presence of organised crime, and a lack of acknowledgement of the economic rationales underlying the wars themselves.