Global leadership has been a growing area of research as our world becomes interconnected. The National Association for College Employers (NACE) Career Readiness Competencies Work Group even added an eighth competency: global/intercultural fluency. Employers have also expressed a skill crisis regarding students graduating from college without the necessary global leadership skills. However, there are often not enough resources at institutions of higher education to add specific co-curricular programs around global leadership. At the same time many institutions have begun to use the Student Leadership Competencies (Seemiller, 2013) as learning outcomes for their co-curricular programs. This research study aimed to combine the concepts of global leadership and the Student Leadership Competencies so that students have the opportunity to develop global leadership competencies on their own. The researcher created a global leadership competencies self-assessment instrument mapped within the Student Leadership Competencies, then demonstrated the extent to which the instrument yields evidence that supports valid and reliable inferences about students’ global leadership competencies. Validity evidence based on content was established through the use of 13 subject matter experts. Validity evidence based on cognitive process was established through cognitive interviews. Validity evidence based on internal structure was established by conducting an exploratory factor analysis. Specifically, a principal axis factor analysis with a varimax rotation was conducted on data gathered from 279 participants. Evidence supported the finding that the instrument yielded reliable inferences about students’ global leadership competencies (30 items; α = .932). There were six constructs uncovered and measured through the validation process: Interpersonal Impact, Perspective-taking, Adapting, Diversity, Responding to Ambiguity, and Resiliency. The instrument created in this study provides self-awareness of a student’s proficiency in these global leadership competencies, which enables them to seek out development opportunities for those competencies either on their campus or in other out-of-the-classroom activities based on their results. This instrument can now be used to guide a students’ global leadership competency development journey.

The research in this thesis will look at the lives of a very specific group of Chinese immigrant workers in the restaurant industry, particularly those in the metropolitan city of Los Angeles. While unskilled Chinese workers are popular in the Chinese restaurant business because of the lack of skills required, they are quite mobile between the manufacturing and construction sectors as well. Working conditions are less than ideal for these immigrants, who find that life in America may not be what they expected prior to arrival. Though there are many organizations that seek to improve the lives of immigrants already residing in the United States, better efforts towards coordination could be put forth to ensure the availability and knowledge of these resources. Though Asian immigrants and their children have a reputation as a high-achieving model minority, there still remains a class of people who struggle with the same issues of relocation and assimilation as other immigrants. This research hopes to analyze the patterns of immigration for workers like these, to evaluate whether it is still feasible to achieve the American dream, and, if necessary, re-think U.S. immigration policy by looking to our Northern neighbors Canada and providing some policy recommendations.

In Jordan, a woman is often murdered by members of her own family if she is found to have tainted the family's honor in any way. Refusing to enter into an arranged marriage, being seen alone with a male stranger or even wearing makeup have all been cited as incidents that shame the family and result in what are called "honor killings". These honor killings have continued to plague Jordan, and other countries in the Middle East, well into the 21st century, despite the country's progress towards modernization. The dominance of the patriarchal family and the inability of the country to experience economic growth are strong contributors to the perpetuation of these horrible crimes in a country that is considered to be relatively modern in this day and age.

My argument about NATO’s future is a combination of both neo-realist and constructivist thought, an adaptation of both neo-realist power struggles and constructivist institutional structures. Due to a lack of a significant threat, NATO will collapse as a military alliance. However, due to the longevity of the Trans-Atlantic Relationship, the similarities in the governmental structure of its members and the history of peaceful interactions between the allies on both sides of the Atlantic, the current “security community” will remain despite the collapse of the military aspects of the Alliance. NATO has been held together through organizational inertia and shifting the unifying threat to a variety of lesser threats. Nevertheless, the weakness of the new threat will be insufficient in maintaining the Alliance. This argument is supported through three different period analyses of NATO. The first is an analysis of NATO in the Cold War and an overview of its creation as an answer to the threat of the Soviet Union. The second delves into the Alliance after the Cold War and the reasons for NATO’s continuation. The third section outlines NATO’s current missions, issues, and tensions within the Alliance. The paper concludes that NATO will fall apart in the future, with a slow but sure break down of the military structures of the Alliance. It will, however, remain a political entity due to the strength of the security community created between the allies.

By comparing the post-conflict reconstruction patterns of Cyprus and Sri Lanka, it is possible to evaluate what was or was not effective in the Cyprus case and how these lessons may be applied to Sri Lanka. Considering the underlying similarities of the two islands’ respective conflicts, the focus determining the best course of action for Sri Lanka, so that it does not face the same stalemate situation as Cyprus. The recommended policy contrasts with the consociationalist models proposed for Cyprus, and is instead based on the unique Basque model of autonomy.

In the past five years J Street, a pro-peace, pro-Israel Israel Lobby, has grown to challenge AIPAC’s dominance in lobbying Congress to support Israel. Although still small in comparison to AIPAC, J Street has become influential in opening up dialogue among American Jews on what it means to be pro-Israel in today’s world. By openly criticizing conservative Israeli policy J Street has created an environment where liberal American Jews can support both Israel and a two state solution with a Palestinian state. This paper examines American Jewish activism and the rise of AIPAC as the predominant Israel Lobby. It then argues that over the years AIPAC has supported expansionist Likud Party policy and has undermined Labor Party peace attempts. It has viciously attacked any person or organization critical of conservative Israeli policy. This paper then investigates opinion polls of American Jews and finds that, contrary to AIPAC, the majority of Jewish Americans are liberal and support a two state solution similar to J Street’s position. It then examines how J Street overcame an onslaught of attacks from conservative Jewish organizations. It argues that J Street has been successful because it has remained moderate in its policy stances and has been effective in countering attacks from conservative Jewish organizations while gaining the support of many mainstream American Jews who are frustrated with AIPAC’s policy.

The topic of work-life balance has become a highly contentious issue in many industrialized societies since the post-war period. Consequently, the topic has also become more prevalent in academic, managerial and national discussions. European states, both on the national level and as a bloc, have made notable advancements in assisting with work-life balance. The policies vary across different European countries, bringing into question the government‟s ability to influence women‟s employment decisions and effectively achieve higher levels of gender equality in the workplace. This paper studies France, and its extensive family policies aimed at facilitating work-life fit. France is known, and often commended, for its government subsidies and tax deductions for childcare, as well as full-time publicly funded day care for children under the age of six. Despite these measures, women on average still earn less than men. This paper makes the argument that work-life policies in France are not doing enough to help women in the workplace across different demographic and employment categories. Furthermore, the programs in place fail to address core issues of gender equality in the home, which undermines the efficacy of these policies to achieve equality for women in the work force.

Since the early 1970s, the U.S. government has relied on Saudi Arabia to ensure price stability in the oil market--a foreign policy that is both dangerous and hypocritical. Yet recent market developments, including increasing sources of unconventional supply in the Western Hemisphere and better energy efficiency worldwide, are calling the effectiveness of that reliance into question. Whereas unconditional support for the Saudi regime had previously been the only option for the U.S. government, U.S. foreign policymakers may now be able to hedge their risky relationship with the Saudis through a variety of other options.

The research in this thesis will look at the lives of a very specific group of Chinese immigrant workers in the restaurant industry, particularly those in the metropolitan city of Los Angeles. While unskilled Chinese workers are popular in the Chinese restaurant business because of the lack of skills required, they are quite mobile between the manufacturing and construction sectors as well. Working conditions are less than ideal for these immigrants, who find that life in America may not be what they expected prior to arrival. Though there are many organizations that seek to improve the lives of immigrants already residing in the United States, better efforts towards coordination could be put forth to ensure the availability and knowledge of these resources. Though Asian immigrants and their children have a reputation as a high-achieving model minority, there still remains a class of people who struggle with the same issues of relocation and assimilation as other immigrants. This research hopes to analyze the patterns of immigration for workers like these, to evaluate whether it is still feasible to achieve the American dream, and, if necessary, re-think U.S. immigration policy by looking to our Northern neighbors Canada and providing some policy recommendations.

For decades, institutions such as the World Bank, IMF, WTO, OECD, US Congress, and EU have encouraged developing countries to adopt trade liberalization to improve their people's welfare and eventually achieve developed country status. In a comparative analysis to examine trade liberalization's impact on labor, this study found that while Chile and Mexico pursued very similar trade liberalization policies, their outcomes were extraordinarily different. Chile now holds the title as the world's model liberalizer while Mexico continues to struggle to liberalize. Chile's effective use of government intervention to absorb adjustment costs determined its success. This study challenges trade theory's dogma against government intervention and concludes with explicit strategies for hoe developing countries can enact targeted social programs and measures to absorb trade liberalization's painful adjustment costs. Trade liberalization can bring prosperity and opportunities for a country, as long as it is paired with effective government intervention to absorb a degree of adjustment costs.