Despite seemingly remarkable progress on civic-political concepts in different cultural and national contexts, the co-existence of students and civilizations in the classroom remains underrepresented in critical peace education as a pedagogical approach. As a result, this qualitative case study seeks to understand the curriculum-as-planned, -implemented, and -lived of four Grade 5 classrooms at a school in Morocco. In this study, I suggest that their curriculum represents some of the key concepts taken up in critical peace education. Critical peace education works toward creating spaces of empowerment for students where they can critically analyze their relations to power. I use Foucault’s conceptions of discursive regimes, power/knowledge, care of the self, genealogy, and archaeology as the foundation for a postmodernist worldview. As part of my research methodology I collected data from curriculum documents, photos of activities/events/interactions at the school and/or within the classroom, responses from Grade 5 students to questions about their lived experiences about “making peace,” and journaling about my role as a participant-observer in the Arabic-speaking classrooms. This research seeks to mobilize knowledge that focuses on current practices for designing curriculum and pedagogical strategies that are needed to develop what we might call a “critical peace curriculum.”

The thesis focuses on the activities of the United Nations in Iraq. The thesis as such aims to analyse efficiency of the UN efforts in Iraq, with emphasis on the period after the war in 2003. The framework of the analysis is the concept of peace-building and its phases. In the first part, the thesis defines the term peace-building and its phases. In the second part the function of the UN in the country is analysed based on, among others, the project reports of the multilateral funds created to reconstruct Iraq. The third part focuses on the empirical research and it gives the theoretical knowledge into contrast with the opinions of the Iraqis themselves obtained through an inquiry.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: No contexto internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, as operações de paz da ONU passaram de uma fase focada estritamente na contenção das partes em conflito de modo relativamente imparcial para a promoção de reformas estruturais tidas como necessárias tanto para minar a recorrência do conflito interno quanto possibilitar a transição para uma situação de paz e estabilidade. Nessas novas operações de peacebuilding, os processos de reconstrução do Estado agora lidam com questões cruciais que envolvem a formação ou transformação do chamado setor de segurança. As grandes potências e as principais organizações internacionais passaram a recorrer à Reforma do Setor de Segurança (RSS) como um conjunto de políticas que têm como objetivo readequar as estruturas e atores que lidam com o exercício da violência nesses contextos. No entanto, apesar da emergência da RSS como um tema-chave nos processos de reconstrução, a literatura nacional e internacional ainda é escassa, geralmente apresentando um caráter fortemente normativo. O Haiti vive sob constantes intervenções da ONU desde 1994, durante as quais a RSS se tornou uma das principais atividades exercidas pelos agentes interventores. O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar uma alteração nos modos pelos quais a RSS veio a ser executada entre os esforços dos anos 90 e 2000. Se inicialmente as ações se focaram nas instituições do Estado, com a Minustah elas teriam se aprofundado em direção à população e às formas de vida como um todo, especif... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In the post-Cold War world, the UN's Peace operations has changed from a phase that envisaged the contention of parts in conflict to the promotion of structural reforms understood as necessary to undermine the recurrance of the hostilites and to help establish a certain level of stability and peace. In this new kind of peacebuilding operation, the reconstruction process is intended to form or transform the so-called security sector. The great powers and the most relevant internation organizations started to resort to the Security Sector Reform (SSR) as a framework of policies that envisage the transformation of the structures and actors that deal with the use of violence in these contexts. However, besides the growing importance of SSR as a key-theme in the processes of reconstruction, the national and international literatures are still rare, and generally present a marked normative nature. In the case of Haiti, the country is under constant UN's interventions since 1994. The SSR came to be one of the most importante activites executed by the international actors. The aim of the present work is to demonstrate a changen in the ways that SSR came to be executed between the 90s and 2000s. If the actions had, initially, focused on the state institutions, with the intervention of Minustah they probe directlly to the population and the ways of beeing as a whole, specially to certain "target-groups" and by means that converge the counter-insurgence tactics and humanitarism. We inte... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Alberto Montoya Correa Palácios Júnior / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Neste trabalho, analisamos as diferenças entre os contextos nos quais foram instalados os dois últimos processos de paz que tiveram no lugar durante o conflito interno colombiano, enfocando as relações estabelecidas entre os governos nacionais colombianos e a maior guerrilha insurgente do país, qual seja as FARC-EP. Para tanto, foram utilizados conceitos e análises provenientes dos estudos de processos de paz, com destaque para a teoria de "ripeness", ou maturação, segundo a qual, para além do conteúdo das negociações, é preciso considerar o tempo na evolução de um conflito para que seja possível obter uma solução negociada. Dessa forma, analisamos a instalação de mesas de diálogo sob a presidência de Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002), destacando importantes razões pelas quais não alcançou uma solução para o conflito. Ademais, trabalhamos o período subsequente, sob a gestão do ex-presidente Álvaro Uribe, momento em que foram desenhadas as alterações na dinâmica interna colombiana que proporcionaram as condições para que, em 2012, pudessem ser instaladas as mesas de negociação em Havana, Cuba, na qual as partes conseguiram alinhar um acordo final para terminação do conflito. Ao localizarmos nossa análise no âmbito das relações internacionais, damos especial atenção à influência da comunidade internacional nas dinâmicas desenvolvidas ao longo do conflito, bem como às repercussões deste nas relações estabelecidas entre a Colômbia e seus parceiros. / Abstract: In this work, we analyze the differences between the contexts in which were installed the last two processes that took place during the Colombian internal conflict, focusing in the relations established between the Colombian national governments and the biggest insurgent guerrilla of the country, which is FARC-EP. To do so, we used concepts and analyses from the peace process studies, focusing on the "ripeness" theory, according to which, in addition to the content of negotiations, it is necessary to consider timing in the evolution of a conflict in order to be possible to obtain a negotiated solution. Considering this, we analyze the installation of a negotiation board under the Andrés Pastrana's administration (1998-2002), highlighting important reasons not to reach a solution for the conflict. Moreover, we explore the subsequent period, under the former president Álvaro Uribe's administration, when were designed the changes in the Colombian internal dynamic that provided the conditions so that, in 2012, was possible to installed the negotiation board in Habana, Cuba, in which the sides were able to line up a final agreement for the end of the conflict. By placing the analysis in the spectrum of the international relations, we give special attention to the influence of the international community in the conflict dynamics as well as the repercussions of the latest in the relations between Colombia and its partners. / Resumen: En este trabajo, analizamos las diferencias entre los contextos en los cuales fueron instalados los dos últimos procesos de paz que tuvieron lugar durante el conflicto interno colombiano, enfocando las relaciones establecidas entre los gobiernos nacionales colombianos y la mayor guerrilla insurgente del país, cual sea las FARC-EP. Para tanto, utilizamos los conceptos y análisis de los estudios de procesos de paz, con destaque para la teoría de "ripeness", o madurez, según la cual, además del contenido de las negociaciones, es necesario considerar el tiempo en la evolución de un conflicto para que sea posible obtener una solución negociada. Con eso, analizamos la instalación de mesas de dialogo bajo la presidencia de Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002), destacando importantes razones por las cuales no ha alcanzado una solución para el conflicto. Por otra parte, trabajamos el siguiente periodo, bajo la gestión del expresidente Álvaro Uribe, momento en que fueron dibujadas las alteraciones en la dinámica interna colombiana que proporcionaron las condiciones de manera que en el año 2012 se ha podido instalar las mesas de negociación en Habana, Cuba, en la cual las partes han podido alinear un acuerdo final para terminación del conflicto. Por posicionar nuestro análisis en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales damos especial atención a la influencia de la comunidad internacional en las dinámicas desarrolladas durante el conflicto, bien como a las repercusiones del último en las rela... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

This dissertation consists of three individual studies that examine the influence of military capabilities on international conflict. Chapter 2 examines the influence of naval power on non-contiguous hostile disputes. I present a unique argument that links absolute naval power to international conflict through uncertainty of resolve and fears about future threats. Increasing a state's naval power increases the amount of issues they will dispute. Yet these issues are likely to be of low salience. Because the issues are of low salience defenders will be uncertain about the resolve of challengers. Additionally, because of the increase in naval power, defenders will fear future threats. Defenders that fear future threats are more likely to resist coercive threats. As such, defenders have incentives to bargain aggressively against challengers. In this case, we should be more likely to observe military disputes as challengers look to signal their resolve. Utilizing a new data set of naval power, I show that as states acquire naval strength they are more likely to initiate non-contiguous hostile disputes. Additionally, I find that contrary to realist and expected utility theory expectations, relative naval power has little influence on hostile dispute initiation. The findings have implications for the future actions of states whose naval strength is growing. Chapter 3 examines the influence of military parity on international conflict. Studies of power parity and conflict implicitly assume all balanced dyads are created equal. However, variation exists within the capabilities of the states in these particular dyads. I address the question of what affects the likelihood of conflict onset within relatively balanced dyads. I argue uncertainty – in particular the uncertainty of the expected costs of conflict – determines the likelihood of conflict among these dyads. More uncertainty of costs means a greater likelihood of miscalculation leading to bargaining errors. First, I argue as an opponent's capabilities increase, uncertainty of costs increase and the likelihood of conflict increases. Second, military action serves a purpose in bargaining and can help reduce uncertainty by signaling a state's willingness to inflict and endure costs in order to gain a better settlement. Third, information transmission is likely to be effective only when states have the capability to inflict significant costs. As such, while greater capabilities will lead to a high likelihood of conflict onset, they also lead to a reduced likelihood of conflict escalation. The testing of non-directed dyads from 1946 to 2001 supports the theory's implications. Chapter 4 examines what influences the likelihood of a war ending with an absolute outcome. Past work has focused on understanding questions about war outcomes in-terms of win, lose, or draw (Slantchev, 2004; Bennett and Stam, 1998; Stam, 1998). Yet little-to-no attention has been paid to understanding why some wars end with one side losing their ability to resist rather than a limited negotiated settlement. Here I present one of the first empirical tests for determining the likelihood of a war ending with an absolute outcome. I argue that two conditions increase the likelihood of a war reaching an absolute outcome. The difficulty and costs involve mean that a state must have the willingness and capabilities to impose such an outcome. Wars where credible commitment concerns are present gives the willingness while asymmetric power gives the capabilities to pursue an absolute outcome. The contribution of this study is to move beyond the questions of limited war outcomes to helping us understand war at its most punishing phase. Such an understanding can help identify which wars have the potential for reaching extremes, allowing the international community to attempt other solutions. / A Dissertation submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Summer Semester 2015. / June 25, 2015. / Absolute War, Balanced Dyads, International Conflict, Naval Power / Includes bibliographical references. / Mark Souva, Professor Directing Dissertation; Jonathan Grant, University Representative; William Moore, Committee Member; Sean Ehrlich, Committee Member.

This is a dissertation that examines peace. In particular this dissertation will explore the paradox of peace on the island of Cyprus, a paradox that has continued to challenge both international and local peace activists in their pursuits to build peace. For how does one build peace when it seems that peace already exists? Yet, how can peace truly exist within the context of a stalemated, decades-old protracted ethnic conflict on a politically and ethnically divided island? The paradox of the Cyprus conflict being deemed a peaceful conflict only begins to touch upon the problems and limitations inherent in building peace on the island. This dissertation explores what those problems are through the eyes of local peacebuilders, and argues for a more anthropologically informed peace research in order to help surpass peacebuilding limitations in Cyprus and in other post-conflict zones around the world. This dissertation explores how peacebuilding theories and methodologies in Cyprus have and have not shifted within the wake of the opening of the Green Line and the subsequent sociopolitical changes on the island. It explores the changes in methods and theories of peacebuilding on the island by focusing on the activities and perspectives of local Cypriots involved in peacebuilding. In particular this dissertation describes the historical context in which bicommunal peacebuilding came about as a strategy; it explores the principles and goals that defined the particular kind of peacebuilding that emerged in Cyprus; it describes who was involved in the local world of peacebuilding; and it explores the multiple changes to the island that have also affected and changed the nature of peacebuilding – and it does so particularly through trying to understand how local peacebuilders have experienced and conceptualized those changes. Through the extended interviews and observations of the networks and activities of peacebuilding that I conducted in Nicosia, I argue that we can learn a great deal about the complex ways that peacebuilding is experienced by the intervened, and that those experiences can help contribute to the transformation of the doing of peacebuilding in the future.

Article 2(1) of the UN Charter states that “the organisation is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” It cannot be disputed that the international community as a whole supports the fact that a state’s right to sovereignty is considered to be its most sacred international law right, which also includes sovereignty over its air space. Without this right, a state cannot exist and the United Nations cannot function. The parameters are clear and entrenched in international law as to when and how a state may use force against intrusion by a foreign military aircraft of another state in order to protect its right to sovereignty over its air space. However, international uncertainty and much debate exist as to the nature of civilian aerial intrusions into the airspace of another state. From an objective perspective, it appears that international law provides for a clear legal framework in that force may not be used against a civilian aircraft intruder unless it is facing an armed attack and acting in self-defence as defined in the Charter of the United Nations. This statement could not be further from the truth and it seems that even in our current modern, technologically advanced society we live in today where we can put a man on the moon and operate our household appliances from our phones, we cannot reach consensus as to what constitutes an armed attack by civilian aircraft or when and how a state may use force when a civilian intrusion of its airspace occurs. Consider the following scenario: A civilian aircraft of state A takes off on a route which requires it to cross the sovereign air space of state B. State B does allow for this type of crossing, provided that the civilian aircraft keeps to its designated route and does not enter any unrestricted areas of state B which requires pre-authorisation before entering. The civilian aircraft enters the airspace of state B, however, for no apparent reason, it deters from its designated route and heads towards a restricted area of state B. Air Traffic Control (“ATC”) of state B calls upon the pilot to return to its designated route, however due to some form of malfunction error, no communication can be established or alternatively, communication is established, but the pilot confirms it is heading to state C and proceeds to travel on the unauthorised route. In the absence of knowing the aircraft’s intention and in fear for state B’s national security, state B immediately sends an interceptor jet in an attempt to intercept the aircraft, but to no avail can either ATC or the interceptor jet manage to establish contact with the aircraft. As a last resort, the interceptor jet attempts to force the aircraft to land at the closest runway but the aircraft refuses/fails to take any recognisance of this attempt and proceeds on the unauthorised route (hereinafter referred to as “the Scenario”). Even with the inception of Article 3bis (as further described in 2.3 below), which was adopted for this specific international issue, there are still a lack of agreement amongst the international community as to the parameters in which to operate when a state finds itself in a situation as set out in the Scenario. This issue forms the crux of this paper and the writer will attempt to, by applying various applicable international laws, including customary laws, establish a universal set of guidelines which states can apply when having to deal with situations similar to the Scenario. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Public Law / LLM / Unrestricted

"Despite the above obligation enshrined in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), to protect, promote and fulfil the right to peace and security that is binding on them, African states are facing numerous armed conflicts. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission) has already found a violation of the right to peace. In that case, the Commission has stated that 'the responsibility for protection is incumbent on the State', which has therefore the obligation to make sure that people's right to peace is not infringed, either by its own forces or by uncontrolled ones. The right to peace has therefore been recognised and interpreted by the relevant and authoritative monitoring body, the African Commission. The African Union (AU), composed of all African states except Morocco, has also committed itself to work towards peace and security in the continent. Most importantly, it has endorsed the ACHPR by committing itself to 'promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments'. These provisions are binding not only on the states parties to the Constitutive Act of the African Union (the AU Act), but also upon the African Union itself, as an international organisation that enjoys international capacity. Indeed, the Constitutive Act of the African Union stands as the constitution of the organisation. There should therefore be no doubt that the provisions of the AU Act bind the AU. However, no effective mechanism designed to ensure the fulfilment of the aims and accountability of international organisations exists. The reality on the ground is that Africa is facing a significant number of situations in which there is no peace. These situations violate the people's right to peace and security as protected under article 23 of the ACHPR. In 2000, it was estimated that 20 percent of Africa south of the Sahara's population lived in countries that were facing war and low intensity conflict. There is therefore a need for assessing the AU institutional capacity to fulfil its constitutional obligation of protecting the people's right to peace and security. ... Chapter one of this paper introduces the matter and defines the context in which it will proceed. It is a general presentation of the study. Chapter two will be devoted to human rights within the African Union. The first part of the chapter will deal with the right to peace and security in particular. The legal position of the AU towards human rights in Africa will then be discussed. Chapter three will be dealing with examples of the involvement of the AU in peace building on the continent. Chapter four will present and assess the AU's framework intended to realise peace and security in Africa. Chapter five will be focussed on the specific programmes of the AU that have a peace and security component. Chapter six will draw conclusions and make recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Political Science Department, American University in Cairo / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Titles: Power, Ideas, Identity: China's Growing Engagement in UN Peacekeeping Operations Abstract Since China's reform and opening-up, China has taken concrete steps to integrate into the international community. China's role and influence within the international organization are in the midst of an evolution. Before, China has remained outside and reluctant to join US-led international organizations, but nowadays, China becomes the firm upholder of current multilateral organizations. The UN Peacekeeping Operations provides a prominent example. China has earlier doubted the role of the UN and upholds strong opposition to PKOs. After China restored its legal seat in the UN in 1971, it took a wait-and-see attitude toward PKOs. In the late 1980s, with China's internal political and economic reform and changes in the international environment, China began to reconsider the UN's role in maintaining international peace and security. Subsequently, China gradually supported and took part in PKOs. Since the twenty-first century, China has been even more committed to peacekeeping. This thesis attempts to identify the key factors motivating China's active engagement in PKOs in the 21st century. This thesis figures out three factors are power, ideas, and identity. On the role of power, this thesis adopts a rationalist...

A world class sports complex will impact on the neighboring communities by providing grounds for interaction. The idea of an economic lift through international exposure and athletic competitions such as soccer, swimming, gymnastics, volleyball, tennis, basketball, golf, track and possibly the Summer Olympic Games, as the Peace Games is enticing to a nation which is just now starting to rebuild its cities and is facing a stagnate economy. Many of the sports facilities in Sarajevo and other parts of old Yugoslavia have been destroyed. The opportunity exists, to create a complex where the most basic characteristics of sport are show - cased - camaraderie, healthy competition, sportsmanship and above all, human interaction. All key factors in the conflict resolution arena. Children are the most viable direction to follow. They do not know about war and ethic cleansing. By creating facilities which are designed for interaction, children who latter become adults, realize that ethnicity is irrelevant in a persons character. The other group to be targeted is that comprised of people who are asking themselves the question: what have we done? to our families, neighborhoods, cities and country? The ideas of the self serving leader who uses ethnicity as a means to power are becoming less and less appealing. When these groups are pared with the people who always new that war is wrong, specially when racially or culturally motivated, an healthy atmosphere can be achieved. People from one group will see their children and friends trying their best - sometimes wining, sometimes loosing. The emotional responses associated with it is critical. They will witness other parents from other groups having the same feelings for their children and friends. The observer can't help but notice that regardless of race or creed we are equal. We can expect that some of the residents from different cultures and social backgrounds will interact and become more tolerant if not friends as children and as adults. A teammate in sport, a teammate for life. This is where architecture and sport can be the most effective. / Master of Science