Förhörsprocessen är en central och kritisk del av polisens brottsutredningar med målet att inhämta relevant information för att lösa brott. Felaktiga förhörsmetoder kan leda till falska erkännanden och undergräva rättssäkerheten. För att motverka detta har mer strukturerade och mindre konfronterande tekniker utvecklats, exempelvis PEACE-modellen (Plan and Prepare, Engage and Explain, Account, Closure och Evaluate), som syftar till att främja en respektfull- och effektiv interaktion under polisiära förhör. Förtroendebyggande är essentiellt för att skapa en öppen och samarbetsvillig atmosfär under förhör och främjas genom respekt, vänlighet, empati och tydlig kommunikation. Denna studie undersöker hur svenska förhörsledare integrerar PEACE-modellens steg i sitt arbetssätt och hur dessa steg bidrar till förtroendebyggande och effektiv informationsinhämtning. Studien bygger på kvalitativa intervjuer med sex erfarna svenska förhörsledare vilka har analyserats genom tematisk analys. Studien visar att förtroendebyggande inte är isolerat till enskilda steg under förhöret utan det är en kontinuerlig process som löper genom hela PEACE-modellen. Resultaten visar att strategisk anpassning, planering och flexibilitet hos förhörsledaren är avgörande för att skapa en förhörsmiljö som är trygg och utan distraktioner. Förhörsledarens förmåga att vara lyhörd, ställa öppna frågor, och lyssna aktivt gynnar en detaljerad och pålitlig informationsinhämtning. Studien slutsats tyder på att svenska förhörsledares tillämpning av PEACE-modellen, genom sitt strukturerade och respektfulla tillvägagångssätt stödjer både förtroendebyggande och informationsinhämtning.

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This thesis examines grassroots peace building in Kosovo during the period 2001 - 2008 and seeks to understand how international actors have best supported, or otherwise, a process of deepening peace at this level. The research centres on analysis of thirty-three in-depth interviews with the main actors from this field. Through analysing interpretations of peace and peace building in Kosovo, I identify a contradiction between on the one hand, the dominant approach of building peace through relationships (favoured by international actors); and on the other, the need for peace to address personal needs. This means helping individuals come to terms with the past, and affecting a broader normalization of people’s everyday lives. I assert that a ‘deepening’ of peace in Kosovo will ultimately come about through offering young people more opportunities to ‘open up their hearts and minds’ - to broaden their horizons in ways that they feel empowered to view themselves and the world around them through a critical lens. This research identifies negative attitudes and behaviours amongst external actors in Kosovo, and illustrates how our personal qualities and conduct are of primary importance when it comes to peace building. In doing so, I identify a need for a higher level of self-awareness, commitment and empathy amongst external actors. Whilst reports have emerged which seek to evaluate the impact of peace building in Kosovo, this research examines the experiences of those engaged in such endeavours and encompasses a strong story-telling element. It also seeks to ground the issues at stake within a broader understanding of Kosovo’s social and historical landscape.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Technology: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Corruption has increasingly become a challenging issue that undermines peacebuilding processes. Anti-corruption efforts therefore constitute one of the ways of building and sustaining positive peace. Attempts to combat corruption generally follow one of three strategies which include: developing legal and punitive frameworks, establishing investigative and preventive mechanisms and promoting ethical values-based approaches. The present study has explored corruption in Rwanda and has highlighted the necessity of developing anti-corruption education as a way of combatting corruption. The first part of the study has used focus group discussions and interviews to collect information on corruption in Rwanda while the second part consists of experimental interventions organized to test an anti-corruption education curriculum. It has been realized that Rwanda, if compared with other African countries, has made remarkable progress in terms of fighting against corruption. However, the country still has a long way to go in order to achieve its ambition of building a corruption-free nation. The educational strategies to ensure the promotion of ethical values-based approaches have been found the weakest aspect of the anti-corruptioan campaign in Rwanda. This study has emphasized the necessity of involving children in the combat against corruption. Inspired by the Ubupfura ethical values, which are embedded in Rwandan culture, the study has proposed an anti-corruption curriculum for Rwandan children under the name of Nibakurane Ubupfura. Through the experimental interventions and preliminary evaluation of the curriculum, it has been demonstrated with evidence that the proposed anti-corruption education, applying an Ubupfura model, could significantly contribute to equipping children with the skills needed to disassociate and distance themselves from corrupt practices. With reference to the short-term impact of the experimental intervention conducted in this study, it leaves no doubt that the continous use of this education curriculum will help children to develop attitudes and behaviors that resist corruption. It is argued in this study that an effective campaign against corruption should consider promoting anti-corruption education with the aim of enabling present and future generations to maintain and live out the Ubupfura ethical values. Considering the link between anti-corruption and peacebuilding efforts, as explained in this study, it is underlined that efforts continuously made to raise such generations could undoubtedly move Rwandan society toward sustainable positive peace. / D

This thesis critiques liberal peacebuilding in Africa, with a particular focus on Sierra Leone. In particular, it examines the interface between the liberal peace and the “local”, the forms of agency that various local actors are expressing in response to the liberal peace and the hybrid forms of peace that are emerging in Sierra Leone. The thesis is built from an emerging critical literature that has argued for the need to shift from merely criticising liberal peacebuilding to examining local and contextual responses to it. Such contextualisation is crucial mainly because it helps us to develop a better understanding of the complex dynamics on the ground. The aim of this thesis is not to provide a new theory but to attempt to use the emerging insights from the critical scholarship through adopting the concept of hybridity in order to gain an understanding of the forms of peace that are emerging in post-conflict zones in Africa. This has not been comprehensively addressed in the context of post-conflict societies in Africa. Yet, much contemporary peace support operations are taking place in these societies that are characterised by multiple sources of legitimacy, authority and sovereignty. The thesis shows that in Sierra Leone local actors – from state elites to chiefs to civil society to ordinary people on the “margins of the state” – are not passive recipients of the liberal peace. It sheds new light on how hybridity can be created “from below” as citizens do not engage in outright resistance, but express various forms of agency including partial acceptance and internalisation of some elements of the liberal peace that they find useful to them; and use them to make demands for reforms against state elites who they do not trust and often criticise for their pre-occupation with political survival and consolidation of power. Further, it notes that in Sierra Leone a “post-liberal peace” that is locally-oriented might emerge on the “margins of the state” where culture, custom and tradition are predominant, and where neo-traditional civil society organisations act as vehicles for both the liberal peace and customary peacebuilding while allowing locals to lead the peacebuilding process. In Sierra Leone, there are also peace processes that are based on custom that are operating in parallel to the liberal peace, particularly in remote parts of the country.

This study examined the relationship between the religious orientation quest and well-being using the 1998 General Social Survey. In addition to the religious orientation quest the extrinsic and intrinsic religious orientations were also investigated. Analysis of the data indicated that there was a slight negative association between quest and general well-being, while also demonstrating a strong positive association between quest and inner peace. These results underscore the supposition that quest is an orientation that is complex and ultimately deserves further attention.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / This study focuses on Seeds of Peace, a peace education program whose purpose is to bring together teenagers from conflict regions, train them to be future leaders, and promote conflict resolution, reconciliation, and coexistence. The experiences of the Palestinian, Israeli-Jewish, and Israeli-Palestinian participants at the summer camp, during re-entry, and in subsequent years, particularly during the second intifada, are portrayed using qualitative methods. The study also describes and analyzes the Seeds of Peace program from 1993–2004, highlighting the implementation of the follow-up program in the home region. Theories from the field of social psychology, including social identity theory and the contact hypothesis, and literature on peace education interventions conducted in the context of the Israeli - Palestinian conflict, are employed to explain sources of intergroup conflict and models of how they can best be addressed and overcome. Data collection consisted of interviews of participants and staff members, observations of the camp and follow-up program, and written documentation produced by the participants. The participants' journeys were fraught with difficulties, particularly during re-entry and periods of violent conflict. Following the onset of the second intifada, external asymmetric power relations had a greater impact on the functioning of the program and tendencies to revert to previously-held negative attitudes became more pronounced as each group faced increasingly negative messages from their communities regarding the other side. Furthermore, participants grappled with what they referred to as the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) dilemma' as Israeli-Jews approached the age of mandatory military service. However, despite these challenges, according to many of the participants interviewed for this study, contact with the ‘enemy’ group promoted greater understanding of the conflict and its various narratives, humanization of the other side, increased self-concept, and enhanced communication and leadership skills. The use of a mixed model with multiple categorization strategies and a follow-up program enhanced positive outcomes. The findings of this study, presented through a narrative format, should provide many insights into designing and implementing peace education programs between teenagers from groups involved in intractable conflict, particularly during a period characterized by acute violence and a lack of top-down peacemaking initiatives.

The aim of this paper is to examine and describe the framing of the concept gender within the Colombian anti-gender campaign against the peace accord between FARC-EP and the government of Colombia. By implementing a frame analysis of gender, this study examines how actors within the resistance movement framed the concept of gender, and how they linked it to the resistance of the peace accord. 14 news articles from the Colombian news websites El Espectador and Portafolio, written between 2016.08.10 and 2016.10.01, have been selected and analyzed in a profound way. The result shows that the gender resistance was often based on the theory of a gender ideology, and gender was expressed as a threat to the traditional family values. Future plausible scenarios including homosexuality, such as a homosexual dictatorship, were presented by some actors. The most prominent actors within the anti-gender movement were the right-wing politicians Alejandro Ordóñez and Álvaro Uribe, as well as Ángela Hernández from the party La U. To vote against the peace accord in the plebiscite was the only solution expressed in the material. This study encourages future research to examine any possible causality between the framing of gender and the result of the plebiscite.

Critics of the liberal peace point out that the imposition of liberal democratic structures of governance through United Nations Peacekeeping Operations has not led to a sustainable peace being built. In reply, supporters of the liberal peace argue that even though the liberal peace is imperfect, there are no better alternatives. The objective of this thesis is to examine the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and explore the possibility that it may be a potential alternative to the liberal peace. The thesis examines the Chinese understanding of the causes of insecurity in Africa, what the Chinese position is with regards to United Nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding missions in Africa; and what role China see itself playing vis-à-vis United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The Chinese approach to peacebuilding recognises poverty alleviation as the foundation upon which sustainable peace can be built in post-conflict countries. Beijing does not believe the external imposition of a political ruling superstructure can succeed, and sees the liberal peace as neo-colonialism and liberal hubris. However, there is no set Chinese model of peacebuilding which can replace the liberal peace, or which African countries might follow. This is because the Chinese developmental model respects the local context, is based on pragmatism, and relies on trial and error to find the way forward. The Chinese have been keeping a low profile in the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and have focused on providing transportation and logistical support to UNMIL. The Chinese focus on infrastructure rehabilitation is appreciated by Liberians and is making a positive contribution to the life of ordinary people. On the deep societal divide that lies at the heart of the Liberian civil war and continues to cause instability, both the Chinese approach to peacebuilding and the liberal peace remain silent.

Orientadora: Raquel Cabral / Banca: Maximiliano Martin Vicente / Banca: Marcos Alan Shaikhzadeh Vahdat Ferreira / Resumo: O jornalismo para a paz (Peace Journalism) é um conceito que nasce a partir dos Estudos para a Paz (Peace Studies). Neste âmbito, são pensadas em maneiras pelas quais as práticas jornalísticas podem colaborar para a desconstrução das estruturas de violência, representando o interesse público e fortalecendo a democracia e uma cultura de paz. Neste estudo, tomando como objeto o caso das movimentações de refugiados sírios a partir do ano de 2015, foi conduzida uma análise de conteúdo de matérias dos sites de notícias G1 e Al Jazeera English (AJE) utilizando o jornalismo para a paz como suporte metodológico. As categorias de análise incluem tipologia de violência, contextualização sociopolítica, progressão temporal, utilização de fontes, terminologia, iniciativas de cultura de paz e adaptação e cultura dos refugiados. Os resultados das análises de 104 unidades de informação mostram que há, nos dois veículos jornalísticos, a presença tanto de elementos do jornalismo para a paz quanto do modelo do jornalismo de guerra ou violência, teoricamente oposto ao Peace Journalism. Por exemplo, ambos os sites dão destaque a matérias que têm a violência estrutural em primeiro plano e trazem informações sobre o contexto social e político relacionado ao tema dos refugiados. Em contrapartida, uma análise detalhada indica que essa contextualização é feita de maneira breve. Em relação às fontes, as matérias da AJE são as que mais incorporam depoimentos de autoridades políticas. No G1, apesar de es... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Within the context of Peace Journalism, as a concept that emerges from the Peace Studies, this research investigated in which ways the journalistic activity can assist in deconstructing the structures of violence, hence representing public interest and strengthening democracy and a culture of peace. The present study performed a content analysis of news websites Brazilian G1 and Qatari Al Jazeera English (AJE) based on the Peace Journalism framework. The case of the Syrian refugees movements from 2015 on was the main theme of the analyzed news stories. The categories of the content analysis were typology of violence, sociopolitical context, timeline, usage of sources, terminology; culture of peace initiatives, and adaptation and culture. The results of the analyses of 104 stories show that in both websites there are elements of Peace Journalism, as well as War Journalism's ones - the latter theoretically opposes the Peace Journalism framework. For instance, G1 and AJE prioritize news that foregrounds structural violence, and include in their content information on social and political conjuncture of the Middle Eastern refugees case. Nevertheless, a detailed analysis shows that this contextualization is not covered in a thorough manner. Regarding the sources, AJE stories are the ones that incorporate statements from political authorities the most. Although those sources are also frequent on G1, in this website there is a strategy to bring the displacement issue closer to the B... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: El periodismo para la paz (Peace Journalism) es un concepto que nace desde la Investigación para la Paz (Peace Studies). En este ámbito, son pensadas en las maneras por las cuales las prácticas periodísticas pueden colaborar para la deconstrucción de las estructuras de violencia, representando el interés público y fortaleciendo la democracia y la cultura de paz. En esta investigación se ha desarrollado un análisis de contenido del sitio web de noticias brasileño G1 y del catarí Al Jazeera English (AJE) basado en el modelo teórico del periodismo para la paz. El caso de los desplazamientos de los refugiados sirios desde 2015 fue el tema principal de las noticias analizadas. Las categorías del análisis incluyen tipología de violencia, contextualización sociopolítica, progresión temporal, utilización de fuentes, terminología, iniciativas de cultura de paz y adaptación y cultura de los refugiados. El resultado del análisis de 104 noticias muestra que hay en los dos sitios web tanto elementos del periodismo para la paz como del periodismo de guerra o violencia, modelo que se contrapone teóricamente al primero. Por ejemplo, ambos priorizan noticias que tiene la violencia estructural en primer plano y incluyen en sus contenidos informaciones sobre el contexto social y político relacionado al tema de los refugiados. Sin embargo, un análisis detallado indica que esta contextualización es hecha superficialmente. En relación a las fuentes, las noticias de AJE son las que más incorporan d... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre