Thèse--Lettres--Paris IV, 1976. / Bibliogr. p. 250-252.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Ph. D.--Amherst (Mass.)--University of Massachusetts, 1990. Titre de soutenance : The syntactic roots of semantic partition. / Bibliogr. p. 157-169. Index.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Köln--Universität, 1994.

Thesis--University of Amsterdam. / Bibliography: p. [296]-307.

Thesis (M.C.S.)--Regent College, Vancouver, B.C., 1998. / [Panim ʼel panim] appears in Hebrew letters on t.p. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 114-124).

Inaug.-Diss.--Hamburg, 1937.

Both ditransitive verbs and causative transitive verbs in Japanese are linked with the two verbal arguments: the dative phrase and the accusative phrase. Despite this similarity, the syntax of these verbs is in sharp contrast: the ditransitive verb construction involves the mono-clausal structure, whereas the transitive causative construction contains the bi-clausal structure (Kuroda 1965b, Saito 1982; 1985, Hoji 1985, Miyagawa 1989, among others). One crucial instance for such distinction is the behavior of the dative phrase of the two types of construction with respect to the ‘subjecthood’. The subject-oriented anaphor in Japanese (e.g., zibun ‘self’) can take the dative phrase of the transitive causative verb as its antecedent, whereas it cannot the dative phrase with the ditransitive verb as its antecedent (Kuroda 1965b). Notwithstanding the difference, this thesis attempts to proposes a unified account for these two types of dative-accusative constructions in terms of the Phase Theory within the framework of Generative Grammar (Chomsky 2000; 2001). Investigating four subcategories of dative-accusative verbs (i.e., spray/load verbs, give verbs, causative transitive verbs and causative motion verbs), I claim that there are two types of Dative Case Assignment in Japanese: the In-situ Assignment and the Assignment after Movement. The former type of assignment is manifested in VP of give verbs and in that of transitive causative verbs; on the other hand, the latter type of assignment is identified in VP of spray/load verbs and in that of causative motion verbs. In the Phase theory, the probe-goal relation between the functional head and its ccommanding goal(s) (i.e., (Multiple) Agree) governs Case-licensing mechanism. In standard assumptions, the Accusative Case domain is the c-command domain of the light verb v (Chomsky 2004). Following these assumptions, I claim that the two types of Dative Case Assignment can be ultimately attributed to the two distinctive Case features on the functional head v of the four types of dative-accusative constructions: vacc[+multiple] and vdat. If vacc[+multiple] is selected by Merge, the Dative Assignment after Movement is implemented, whereas if vdat is selected, the In-situ Dative Assignment is induced. Hence, the difference in Dative Case Assignment is predicted at which Select picks up vocabularies from the Lexicon in order to set up a reference set for a derivation of the dative-accusative construction. The in-situ dative assignment for the ditransitive construction has been proposed in the literature (e.g., Miyagawa 1996); however, no proposal of a movement-based dative assignment for the ditransitive construction has been made. This is one of the important outcomes of my thesis. However, the most important consequence of my two types of Dative Assignment is the link between two hitherto unrelated phenomena: Dative Case Assignment and the condition on argument alternation. Argument alternation has attracted much attention in the literature of lexical semantics, being independently analyzed from most of the syntactic properties of these ditransitive verbs that I examine in the thesis (Kageyama 1980; 1996, Levin 1993, Kishimoto 2001c, Iwata 2008). However, I show that the condition on argument alternation can be written solely by the syntactic terms without any stipulation of constructional meaning; namely, when vdat is selected in a numeration of a ditransitive verb, the derived verb is never licensed to participate in argument alternation, whereas when vacc [+multiple] is selected, the complex verb is licensed to participate in the alternation. A further contribution of my thesis is to accommodate a new pair within the causative-ditransitive paradigm in Japanese in addition to its already-existing membership between transitive causative verbs and give verbs (Kuno 1973, Miyagawa 1996): a pair of causative motion verbs and spray/load verbs. This new pairing further strengthens the existence of the causative-ditransitive paradigm as a natural class in Japanese. The pairing is solely motivated by the Dative Case Assignment that I propose.

Différentes études sur de larges corpus oraux ont permis ces dernières années de mettre en lumière des structures bien particulières tout en élaborant différents modèles articulés autour de nouvelles unités opératoires censées remplacer avec efficacité la notion de phrase. Nous pensons à l’inverse que la notion de phrase comme prédication assortie d’une modalité énonciative peut aisément être conservée pour traiter du français parlé, à condition cependant d’être perçue en temps réel. La phrase, désormais analysée en « noyau + affixes », est en effet avant tout une unité de traitement et de production n’ayant qu’une existence temporaire dans le flux de l’activité productive et interprétative. Ce postulat nous permettra d’expliquer certains phénomènes averbaux typiques de l’oral comme les réalisations de compléments différés, les répétitions, les reformulations, les recatégorisations de prédicats en affixes. Nous nous sommes donc intéressée plus particulièrement aux différents fonctionnements des segments sans verbe dans un corpus oral. Un premier ensemble rassemble les segments sans verbe fonctionnant en tant que phrases selon des degrés de prédicativité plus au moins élevés : prédications averbales, prédications interjectives et réalisations averbales d’une prédication verbale implicite. Cependant, pour de nombreux segments sans verbe, l’interprétation est moins sûre et ces segments dits « flottants », en marge des emplois canoniques, nous renvoient à la problématique de la phrase. C’est par exemple le cas de compléments différés, constituants averbaux oscillant entre trois pôles : éléments intégrés, éléments détachés et éléments autonomes. / Over the last few years, various studies on large corpora in spoken French have shed light on quite specific structures and have come up with various patterns which resort to new operating units. These units are alleged to efficiently replace the notion of sentence. However, we have chosen to keep the word 'sentence', which we define as the association of a predication and of an enunciative modality. We therefore think that this definition needn’t be replaced to analyse spoken French, provided the segment under scrutiny is deciphered at the time of its utterance. In this study, we will consider that the sentence is composed of a “nucleus plus affixes” and that it is above all a means of analysis as well as a production unit which are both temporary within the process of the productive and interpretative activity. This postulate will enable us to explain why some verbless structures are only found in spoken French, such as the product! ion of deferred complements, repetitions, rewordings and the re-categorizing of predicates into affixes. We took special interest in the various functions performed by verbless segments in a spoken French corpus. A first subgroup includes verbless segments which work like sentences in so far as they express various levels of predicability, such as verbless predications, interjectional predications, or verbless realisations of an implicit verbal predication. Yet, this analysis does not seem to work when applied to many verbless segments called floating segments since they do not correspond to the canonical definitions of the sentence. We thus have to reconsider what a sentence is, especially when we tackle postponed complements, or verbless constituents which partake of the three following categories: integrated elements, detached elements and autonomous elements.

The thesis "Attribute in Spanish language" is aimed at the analysis of the word patterns that are used to build an attribute. The target of the thesis is to define attributes as a part of a sentence and describe every particular kind of them. This analysis is based on the study of linguistic materials coming from both, Czech and Spanish sources. First, the theoretical part will be focused on the unification of the terminology. It will also be attempted to connect these two very different language systems in one. Further, the attribute will be described in detail from various formal points of view. In the practical part the findins from the theoretical part will be applied to analyze some text taken from Spanish periodicals. The results of analysis will be stated in the third part of the thesis, conclusion. The graphical illustration of the chosen results is would also be presented in the conclusion. Résumé in Spanish is also part of this thesis.

This study provides a syntactic analysis of the Senufo Nafara Determiner Phrase. It aims at investigating two major questions that are the status of definite markers, and the underlying structure and derivations leading to the surface word order [N AP Def Dem Num] observed in the language. I argue that the (indefinite) markers occurring in DPs are clitics attaching to the rightmost AP element, and spelling out the fused heads of several functional categories (gender, number, definiteness, and possibly others). In a cartographic approach to DP structure, I argue in favor of multiple Functional Projections occurring above NP. More particularly, I consider AP, DemP, and NumP as their own FPs in which adjectives, demonstratives, and numerals are all functional heads. While A and Dem show overt agreement in definiteness, gender, and number, cardinals do not. I argue that the surfacing word order is the result of roll-up movement with pied-piping, motivated and limited by agreement. Phrasal movement only occurs when required for agreement purposes, and more particularly in order to check uPhi features (and therefore EPP features). For that reason, numerals do not participate in movement, and surface in phrase-final position.