Il y a une préoccupation croissante parmi les experts en ce qui a trait à la polarisation idéologique des élites politiques en raison de son potentiel à pousser les masses vers les extrêmes et à exacerber la polarisation affective. Ces préoccupations sont-elles justifiées? Cette thèse comprend trois articles distincts mais liés, chacun contribuant à apporter une réponse à cette question. Le premier chapitre empirique (chapitre 2) examine si la polarisation idéologique des élites a augmenté au fil du temps en Europe de l’Ouest. Pour ce faire, ce chapitre se concentre sur la polarisation des partis politiques (c’est-à-dire la polarisation idéologique des élites) sur trois dimensions (économique, sociale et sur la question de l’intégration européenne) simultanément, car la transformation post-industrielle de l’espace politique européen a entraîné une politique multidimensionnelle qui n’est pas toujours alignée avec l’une et l’autre. De plus, le chapitre 2 compare ces tendances à celles fondées sur la dimension traditionnelle gauche-droite. En utilisant les jugements d’experts du Chapel Hill Expert Survey comme indicateur des positions des partis, la polarisation des parties est mesurée en fonction de leur dispersion moyenne des partis par rapport au centre relatif du système politique. Ce chapitre montre une tendance vers une plus grande polarisation des partis sur la dimension gauche-droite ainsi que sur les dimensions économique et sociale, mais pas sur la dimension d’integration européenne. Les partis prennent de plus en plus de positions distinctes sur les questions économique et sociales, et le "menu" idéologique servi aux citoyens est devenu plus diversifié u fil du temps. De plus, il montre que la polarisation des partis sur les dimensions économique, sociales et d’intégration européenne est modérément corrélée à celle de la dimension gauche-droite traditionnelle, tandis que les corrélations de la polarisation des partis sur ces dimensions entre elles sont plutôt faibles. Bien que la dimension gauche-droite agisse comme une position super-thématique qui absorbe les positions des partis sur d’autres dimensions, elles ne sont pas nécessairement alignées les unes sur les autres. Ayant établi que la polarisation idéologique des élites est en hausse en Europe de l’Ouest, le deuxième chapitre empirique (chapitre 3) examine comment les masses réagissent à l’augmentation de la polarisation idéologiques des élites. Plus précisément, la question est de savoir si la polarisation idéologique des élites conduit à une polarisation idéologique des masses. En d'autres termes, lorsque des propositions de politique plus extrêmes sont disponibles pour les citoyens, adoptent-ils également des préférences de politique plus extrêmes? Ce chapitre avance que les masses se polarisent suivant deux mécanismes. En vertu de la théorie de l’identité sociale, les partisans devraient suivre leur parti et adopter une position idéologique plus extrême, tandis que les non-partisans devraient réagir à l'opposé. De plus, ce chapitre soutient que si les partisans se polarisent en fonction des changements qui surviennent à l'interieur de leur parti dépend de leur position spatiale par rapport à ce même parti sur l’échelle idéologique. Par exemple, seuls ceux qui sont parfaitement alignée avec leur parti ou plus à droite que leur parti devraient se conformer aux mouvements des élites. Ce chapitre teste ces attentes dans un cadre réel en s’appuyant sur un design quasi-expérimentale. Le chapitre exploite une augmentation subite de la polarisation idéologique de l’élite qui s’est produite lorsque le Parti travailliste au Royaume-Uni a subi une changement de position soudain avec l’élection de Jeremy Corbyn à titre de nouveau chef. À l’aide des données du British Election Study Internet Panel, ce chapitre ne trouve que des éléments de preuves limitées supportant l'hypothèse que la polarisation de l’élite entraîne une polarisation idéologique de masse : ni les partisans du Parti travailliste ni les autres partisans ne sont devenus plus polarisés à la suite du changement de position du Parti travailliste. Seule une petite minorité de partisans travaillistes situés à droite du parti ont suivi le parti en adoptant une position plus à gauche sur le plan idéologique. De plus, contrairement aux attentes, la plupart des partisans et des non-partisans ont modéré leurs positions. Ce chapitre examine les raisons potentielles de cet effet inattendu. Dans l’ensemble, ces résultats améliorent nos connaissances sur la manière dont les masses réagissent à la polarisation de l’élite et contribuent à dissiper les préoccupations des experts selon lesquelles les masses deviendraient elles-mêmes idéologiquement polarisées lorsque les partis politiques se polarisent. Le troisième chapitre empirique (chapitre 4) étend l’étude aux réactions affectives des citoyens. Les masses deviennent-elles affectivement plus polarisées lorsque la polarisation idéologique de l’élite augmente ? En se basant sur le contexte britannique, qui a connu une montée de la polarisation idéologique de l’élite en raison du virage à gauche du Parti travailliste et du conflit du Brexit en cours, ce chapitre constate qu’une augmentation de la polarisation idéologique de l’élite conduit à une polarisation affective plus élevée des masses, même parmi les partisans de l’opposition et ceux qui ne sont pas attachés à un parti (c’est-à-dire les indépendants). Les résultats montrent que l’effet de la polarisation de l’élite sur la polarisation affective des masses est davantage influencé par les sentiments envers le parti avec lequels identifient les individus que par les sentiments que ceux-ci entretiennent envers le parti opposé. Ces résultats suggèrent que la polarisation affective ne reflète pas nécessairement de l’animosité envers le parti opposé, mais peut fluctuer en raison des changements dans le niveau d’enthousiasme à l'égard de son propre parti. Ce chapitre constate également une relation causale bidirectionnelle entre la perception par des citoyens de la polarisation idéologique de l’élite et leur polarisation affective. Cela signifie que la polarisation affective est enracinée à la fois dans l’identité et l’idéologie. Les résultats suggèrent que la polarisation affective peut être tempérée dans une certaine mesure par une position modérée des partis, mais que certains niveaux de polarisation affective sont inhérents aux systems démocratiques. Les analyses présentées dans cette thèse permettent d'apporter une réponse claire mais nuancée concernant les préoccupations des experts concernant sur l’augmentation de la polarisation idéologique et ses effets potentiellement néfastes. La polarisation idéologique des élites a augmenté en Europe de l’Ouest. Cependant, l’augmentation de la polarisation idéologique des élites ne conduit pas nécessairement à une polarisation idéologique accrue des masses, bien qu’elle conduise à une polarisation affective accrue parmi les citoyens. Dans la mesure où des niveaux excessifs de polarisation affective peuvent compromettre les démocraties représentatives, il peut être raisonnable pour les experts de s’inquiéter de l’augmentation des niveaux de polarisation idéologique des élites. Cependant, si la polarisation affective ne représente pas une menace pour les démocraties représentatives et ne conduit pas au délitement du tissu social, il peut ne pas être nécessaire de s’inquiéter immédiatement de l’impact de la polarisation idéologique des élites sur ce phénomène. / There is a growing concern among experts and policymakers about the increasing elite ideological polarization due to its potential to push the masses to the extremes and exacerbate affective polarization. Are these concerns warranted? This dissertation has 3 standalone articles, each of which contributes to providing an answer to this overarching question. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 2) examines whether elite ideological polarization has increased over time in Western Europe. To do so, it focuses on party polarization (i.e., elite ideological polarization) on three dimensions (the economic, social, and European integration dimensions) simultaneously, as the post-industrialization transformation of the European political space has resulted in multi-dimensional politics that are not always aligned with each other. Additionally, it compares these trends to those based on the traditional left-right dimension. Using mean expert judgments from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey as an indicator of party positions, party polarization is measured based on the average dispersion of parties from the relative center of the political system. This chapter finds a trend towards more party polarization on the left-right, economic, and social dimensions, but not on the European integration dimension. Parties increasingly take more distinct positions from each other on economic and social issues, and the available ideological menu available to citizens has become more diverse over time. Moreover, it shows that party polarization on economic, social, and European integration dimensions moderately correlates with that on traditional left-right dimension while the correlations of party polarization on these dimensions are relatively weak. While left-right acts like a super-issue position that absorbs party positions on other dimensions, they are not necessarily aligned with each other. Having established that elite ideological polarization is on the rise in Western Europe, second empirical chapter (Chapter 3) turns to how the masses react to the increasing elite ideological polarization. Specifically, the question is whether elite ideological polarization leads to mass ideological polarization. When more extreme policy proposals are available to citizens, do they also adopt more extreme policy preferences? This chapter argues that masses become polarized through two mechanisms. Based on social identity theory, in-partisans should follow their party and adopt a more extreme ideological stance, while out-partisans should backlash and move in the opposite direction. Additionally, this chapter argues that whether in-partisans become polarized when their party does so depends on their spatial location relative to the party on the ideological scale. For example, only those who are perfectly aligned with the party or more right-wing than the party should follow the party to the left when it moves in that direction. This chapter tests these expectations in a real-world setting by relying on a quasi-experimental design. It leverages a sudden increase in elite ideological polarization that occurred when the Labour Party in the United Kingdom underwent a sudden position change when Jeremy Corbyn was elected as its new leader. Using British Election Study Internet Panel data, this chapter finds limited evidence that elite polarization leads to mass ideological polarization: Neither in-partisans nor out-partisans became more polarized following the change in the Labour Party’s position. Only a small minority of Labour partisans that were located to the right of the Labour Party followed the party by adopting a more left-wing ideological stance. Moreover, contrary to the expectations, I find that most in- and out-partisans moderated their positions. This chapter discusses the potential reasons for this unexpected effect. The third empirical chapter (Chapter 4) extends the investigation to citizens’ affective reactions. Do the masses become affectively more polarized when elite ideological polarization increases? Relying on the British context, which experienced a surge in elite ideological polarization as a result of both the leftward pivot of the Labour Party and the ongoing Brexit conflict, this chapter finds that an increase in elite ideological polarization leads to higher mass affective polarization, even among out-partisans (i.e., those who identify with the out-party) and those who lack partisan attachment (i.e., independents). The results show that the effect of elite polarization on affective mass polarization is driven more by in-party feelings than out-party feelings. These results suggest that affective polarization is not necessarily a reflection of out-party animosity, but can fluctuate due to changes in in-party enthusiasm. This chapter also finds a bidirectional causal relationship between how citizens perceive elite ideological polarization and how affectively polarized they are. This means that affective polarization is rooted both in identity and ideology. The findings suggest that affective polarization can be tamed to some extent by moderate position-taking by parties, but some levels of affective polarization are inherent in democratic systems. Coming back to whether pundits' concerns about growing ideological polarization is warranted, this dissertation provides a clear but a nuanced answer. Elite ideological polarization has increased in Western Europe. However, increasing elite ideological polarization does not necessarily lead to more ideologically polarized masses although it leads to more affectively polarized masses. To the extent that excessive levels of affective polarization can undermine representative democracies, it may be reasonable for pundits to express concern about rising levels of elite ideological polarization. However, if affective polarization does not pose a threat to representative democracies and does not hinder societal coexistence, then there may not be a need for immediate concern regarding the impact of elite ideological polarization on this phenomenon.

The political polarization is considered to have increased in recent decades, which is considered a threat to democracy. Polarization is the process by which the normal diversity of differences in a society conforms more closely to a single dimension, where people perceive and describe politics and society in terms of "us" and "them". There are two distinct forms of political polarization, which are affective and ideological polarization. Ideological polarization is the difference between political beliefs, attitudes and positions of political opponents and affective polarization asses the extent to which people like their political allies and dislike their political opponents. A higher level of polarization can be beneficial to society, as it can contribute to higher levels of political participation and a perception that there are choices. However, this process can also entail disadvantages for democracy, by increasing the centralization of power and making citizens more dissatisfied. In addition, there are also described interpersonal implications of polarization, which include a reluctance to interact with and dehumanization of poltical opponents. Previous research that investigated the political polarization on social media has mainly focused on Twitter and Facebook, thus it was considered relevant to what the polarization looks like on Reddit instead. This platform has a different structure and also describes itself as being at the forefront of the internet. It was focused on two communities, where on community was skeptic and the other convinced of the climate issue. It could be seen here that there were primarly traces of affective polarization, as there was a certain reluctance to interact with one's political opponents. The mechanism of polarization that could mainly be deciphered was confirmation bias, as a preference for interaction with those with like-minded views could be made clear. Traces of echo chambers and filter bubbles could also be discerned, which are alos mechanisms that can also lead to further polarization.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1984 S83 / Master of Science

A new type of computer-controlled instrument has been developed to measure microviscoelastic properties of thin materials. It can independently control and measure indentation loads and depths in situ revealing information about material creep and relaxation. Sample and indenter positions are measured with a specially designed polarization interferometer. Indenter loadings can be varied between 0.5 and 10 grams and held constant to ±41 mg. The resulting indentation depths can be measured in situ to ±1.2 nm. The load required to maintain constant indentation depths from 0.1 to 5.0 microns can be measured in situ to ±3.3 mg and the depth held constant to ±15 nm.

Transient Liquid phase bonding (TLP) has evolved as a viable method of joining difficult-to-weld superalloys with potential of producing joints with comparable mechanical properties to the base material. Although the high temperature properties of aerospace superalloys have been studied extensively, there is little information on the corrosion behaviour of these special class of materials that had been subjected to TLP bonding. In this work, electrochemical assessment of the corrosion behaviour of TLP bonded nickel-based superalloy was performed. Microstructural evaluation of the TLP bonded joint revealed the presence of a centreline eutectic when isothermal solidification was not completed and the corrosion resistance increased with a decrease in this eutectic width. The use of a composite interlayer produces TLP joints with smaller eutectic size and results in complete isothermal solidification in shorter processing time. Complete isothermal solidification, achieved with the composite interlayer, results in a uniform chromium distribution in the joint centre and produced a corrosion performance similar to the as-received cast base metal. It was found that aside from the mere presence of chromium, which is widely recognised as necessary for corrosion resistance, its uniform distribution within the joint region is imperative for achieving adequate corrosion resistance in TLP joints. / May 2016

ITC/USA 2008 Conference Proceedings / The Forty-Fourth Annual International Telemetering Conference and Technical Exhibition / October 27-30, 2008 / Town and Country Resort & Convention Center, San Diego, California / A method for combining telemetry data and quantifying the resulting coding gain for a ballistic missile test flight is presented. Data received from five ground stations in 54 data files with 18 million intermittent frames is combined, to create a single file with 1.5 million continuous frames. Coding gain provided by data combining is as high as 30 dB, with a useful improvement of 5 dB at boost and terminal stages. With frame reconstruction techniques, erroneous words in a frame are reduced from 2.1% to 0.12 %.

In all kinds of disease models, many proteins involved in protein-protein interactions (PPIs) are mutated and do not function properly. The important role of PPIs in disease makes the design of small molecule inhibition an interesting proposition. This project looks at mouse double minute 2 (MDM2) and mouse double minute X (MDMX) which binds and inhibits the tumour suppressor protein p53. MDM2 and MDMX are therefore attractive therapeutic targets due to their role in tumour progression. The aim is to identify small molecule dual inhibitors that are able to disrupt MDM2 and MDMX from binding to p53. Both N-terminal MDM2 and MDMX were successfully expressed and purified with high purity and decent yield. These proteins were used to develop Fluoresence Polarization (FP) and Capillary Electrophoresis (CE) assays for small molecule inhibitors screening. This work has successfully developed FP and CE assays for detecting weakly interacting fragments. The CE assay is a novel method for detecting weak fragments for protein-protein interactions, which are a challenging target. Two approaches were employed to identify small molecule inhibitors for MDM2- N/p53 interaction. At first, small molecules were identified using in silico screening and these hits were verified using FP and CE assays. Second, analogue exploration was applied to identify fragments from the small molecule inhibitors discovered from the in silico screening. Diphenylamine and oxindole fragments were identified as the most potent. However, diphenylamine fragment was discovered to aggregate MDM2-N and was ranked as a false positive hit. No protein aggregation was found when incubated with the oxindole fragment. Therefore oxindole can provide a good starting point for the design of higher affinity analogues. Studying the interaction of MDMX has only recently been undertaken. MDMX contains a high homology binding site with MDM2. Hence, developing a dual MDM2/MDMX inhibitor has become an attractive target to focus on. FP and CE assays were developed to screen compounds against MDMX-N. In silico screening against MDM2-N and MDMX-N found several hits. One compound was discovered as a dual binder to MDM2-N and MDMX-N with low μM affinity. This novel hit is potentially a good starting point for the design of higher affinity analogues.

The Daniel K Inouye Solar Telescope (DKIST), when completed in 2019 will be the largest solar telescope built to date. DKIST will have a suite of first light polarimetric instrumentation requiring broadband polarization modulation and calibration optical elements. Compound crystalline retarders meet the design requirements for efficient modulators and achromatic calibration retarders. These retarders are the only possible large diameter optic that can survive the high flux, 5 arc minute field, and ultraviolet intense environment of a large aperture solar telescope at Gregorian focus. This dissertation presents work performed for the project. First, I measured birefringence of the candidate materials necessary to complete designs. Then, I modeled the polarization effects with three-dimensional ray-tracing codes as a function of angle of incidence and field of view. Through this analysis I learned that due to the incident converging F/13 beam on the calibration retarders, the previously assumed linear retarder model fails to account for effects above the project polarization specifications. I discuss modeling strategies such as Mueller matrix decompositions and simplifications of those strategies while still meeting fit error requirements. Finally, I present characterization techniques and how these were applied to prototype components.

Improved imaging and detection of objects through turbid obscurants is a vital problem of current interest to both military and civilian entities. Image quality is severely degraded when obscurant fields such as fog, smoke, dust, etc., lie between an object and the light-collecting optics. Conventional intensity imaging through turbid media suffers from rapid loss of image contrast due to light scattering from particles (e.g. in fog) or random variations of refractive index (e.g. in medical imaging). Intensity imaging does not differentiate between rays scattered off particles in the obscurant field and those reflected off objects within the field. Scattering degrades image quality in all spectral bands (UV, visible, and IR), although the amount of degradation is wavelength dependent. This dissertation features the development of innovative system designs and techniques that utilize scattered radiation's deterministic polarization state evolution to greatly enhance the image contrast of stand-off objects within obscurant fields such as smoke, fog, or dust using active polarized illumination in the visible. The produced sensors acquire and process image data in real time using computationally non-intensive algorithms that differentiate between radiation that scatters or reflects from obscured objects and the radiation from the scattering media, improving image contrast by factors of ten or greater for dense water vapor obscurants.

In this work, image processing algorithms are presented for an advanced sensor classification known collectively as imaging modulated polarimetry. The image processing algorithms presented are novel in that they use frequency domain based approaches, in comparison to the data domain based approaches that all previous algorithms have employed. Under the conditions on the data and imaging device derived in this work, the frequency domain based demodulation algorithms will optimally reduced reconstruction artifacts in a least squared sense. This work provides a framework for objectively comparing polarimeters that modulate in different domains (i.e. time vs. space), referred to as the spectral density response function. The spectral density response function is created as an analog to the modulation transfer function (or the more general transfer function for temporal devices) employed in the design of conventional imaging devices. The framework considers the total bandwidth of the object to be measured, and then can consider estimation artifacts that arise in both time and space due to the measurement modality that has been chosen. Using the framework for objectively comparing different modulated polarimeters (known as the spectral density response function), a method of developing a Wiener filter for multi-signal demodulation is developed, referred to as the polarimetric Wiener filter. This filter is then shown to be optimal for one extensive test case. This document provides one extensive example of implementing the algorithms and spectral density response calculations on a real system, known as the MSPI polarimeter. The MSPI polarimeter has been published extensively elsewhere, so only a basic system description here is used as necessary to describe how the methods presented here can be implemented on this system.