Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:01:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_LuizDomingos_M.pdf: 604766 bytes, checksum: c8c1086b72c36f8fb973925244ebc63f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação apresenta um levantamento do perfil sócio-político dos senadores eleitos durante as seis últimas eleições para a Câmara Alta brasileira, recobrindo a elite parlamentar que ocupou a Casa durante o período democrático recente. Os dados foram organizados em torno das dimensões da composição sócio-ocupacional e da carreira política e serviram a dois movimentos analíticos. Em primeiro lugar, uma análise desagregada por unidade da federação que, além de captar importantes diferenças observadas entre as bancadas estaduais, registra o impacto da competição sub-nacional na configuração dos perfis dos senadores. Em segundo lugar, uma análise dos dados agregados serviu para uma comparação entre os padrões de composição sócio-ocupacional e de carreira política dos senadores com o universo dos deputados federais do mesmo período, de onde se chegou ao exame de algumas hipóteses disponíveis sobre a composição da classe política do Congresso Brasileiro. Dentre três hipóteses testadas, o universo dos senadores permitiu que se confirmasse uma e se refutasse duas outras. Portanto, tal como na Câmara dos Deputados, a existência de bases sociais distintas de recrutamento político entre das bancadas ideológicas da esquerda, centro e direita também se verifica para o Senado. Entretanto, diferentemente do que se observou nas eleições mais recentes para a Câmara Baixa, a ocorrência de uma incipiente "popularização" da classe política brasileira no período mais recente da democracia brasileira não se observou, indicando que o Senado exerce maiores dificuldades para esse tipo de processo sócio-político. Por fim, o escopo ou volume de carreira política observada entre os deputados federais é muito diferente daquele visto entre os senadores, que são políticos com uma experiência política prévia muito mais substantiva / Abstract: This thesis presents a survey of the socio-political profile of the senators elected in the six latest elections for the upper chamber of Brazilian parliament. It covers the parliamentary elite that has occupied the Senate during the recent democratic period. Data were organized around the dimensions of the socio-occupational composition and political career and they served for two main analytical lines. First, an analysis state by state, which not only shows important differences observed between groups of parliamentarians of each state, but also registers the impact of sub-national competition in the configuration to the senators' profiles. Second, an analysis of aggregated data served for comparison between the patterns of socio-occupational composition and political careers of the senators with those of the deputies elected in the same period. The comparison led to the scrutiny of three hypotheses about the composition of the political class occupying Brazilian National Congress. One of these hypotheses was confirmed and two were refuted. The existence of distinct social backgrounds of political recruitment between distinct ideological (left, centre and right) groups of parliamentarians was verified for the Senate as well as for the Chamber of Deputies. However, differently from what was observed in the recent elections for the lower chamber, an incipient "popularisation" of the Brazilian political class could not be observed for the upper chamber. This fact indicates that the Senate presents more obstacles for this type of socio-political process. Finally, the range or volume of political career observed among deputies is very different from that of the senators, whose previous political expertise is far more substantive / Mestrado / Estado, Processos Politicos e Organização de Interesses / Mestre em Ciência Política

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<p>The local politicians in Sweden are responsible for a great deal of the welfare system why one would assume that there are a lot of demands put on them - demands for certain skills or a certain level of competence. I have in this study tried to find out how the demands on the local representatives concerning the demands for competence and the actual level of competence among the politicians are affecting the local politics. This was done through investigating how the local politicians are perceiving their level of competence and the demands put on them, but also how the employees are perceiving the demands and the level of competence put on the politicians. The study was made in the municipality of Gislaved in Southern Sweden. I was using both quantitative method (an opinion poll among the politicians and employees in the municipality) and qualitative method (interviews with three politicians and three employees and literature studies).</p><p>In order to investigate the demands for competence I split the concept into “soft” competence (socially and emotionally based skills), and “hard” competence (skills based on knowledge, education and experience). The demands for competence mentioned in the opinion-poll are both “soft” and “hard”: 62 % of the employees put demands of “hard” competence skills on the politicians. 61 % of the politicians put demands of “soft” competence skills on themselves. The interviewed respondents say that certain skills are needed for a certain political mission. I consider the demands for competence as rather high according to the result.</p><p>The local politicians are not, according to the opinion-poll, having the appropriate competence skills, though many of the respondents (56) answered that they have the competence to a certain degree. It is also noticeable that 33 out of 81 persons say that the employees are only having the competence needed to a certain degree. I consider the level of competence among the local politicians rather low according to the result.</p><p>The results from the investigations of the demands for competence and the level of competence were put into a model with different outcomes depending on if the level of competence and the demands for competence are high or low. The result from high demands for competence and a level of competence not answering fully to those demands is that these high demands of political skills may put a pressure on the politicians, which may lead to a higher level of competence, an increased quality on the local politics, create a higher degree of confidence in the politicians from the society and an increased interest in political participation, but the high demands could also lead to a feeling of incompetence among the politicians, and that less people will take interest in participating in politics as they wont consider themselves having the demanded skills. So increased demands of competence may lead to both quality and elitism. The non-existing demands of competence of today supports increased amateurism among the local decision makers, and an increase in the rule of experts. If a number of demands would be formalized they could on the other hand create barriers for marginalized groups participation in politics.</p>

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This thesis will add to the debate on the nature of popular politics at Rome from the time of the Gracchi to Sulla. It examines contemporary evidence in order to reconstruct the terms in which political discourse was conducted. The period marks a time of political dynamism in the Republic, prior the fateful precedents set by Sulla, and falls before the period dominated the Ciceronian corpus. The first aim of the thesis will be to evaluate and utilize the fragmentary evidence of contemporary oratory in order to consider the terms in which politicians described themselves and their opponents. This will allow for a critique of the model of Roman politics derived from Cicero's works which has been often ascribed to the period. Rather than substantiating the traditional picture of politics, conducted in terms of the opposition between popularis and optimas, it reveals that this period is characterized by competition to appropriate the same rhetorical concepts and identification with the traditional role of the Senate in the res publica. The second aim is to contribute to the question of the role of ideology in Roman politics by further demonstrating the existence of a versatile and varied vocabulary capable of articulating a discourse between different ideological standpoints.

Diploma thesis "Talk show Uvolněte se, prosím and its political guests (qualitative and quantitative analysis of politicians' attendance in the show)" deals with the topic of convergence of entertainment and politics, hence politics and the media as such. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with the wider context of the issue - presentation of the politicians on television, interconnection of politics and humor, and the role of talk shows in political communication. The theoretical part presents the issue of political celebrities as one of the factors that affect communication between the politicians and the citizens. The practical part deals with the qualitative and quantitative analysis of the political guests' performance in the czech version of American talk shows Uvolněte se, prosím.

This thesis is concerned with a function of local political leaders as the actors of regional development in model areas. The primary aim is to select the appropriate model areas in Carlsbad region. The main aim of this thesis is on example of three appropriate selected model areas to analyze role and attitude of local politician in development of model areas. The theoretical part deals with analyze of attitudes in local development and analyze of selected ideas key for needs of thesis. The results of the thesis correspond to the stated aims and assumptions. Local political leaders are important actors of local development, but their role is evident only to a limited extent. The biggest differences in the approach to local development can be found between opposition and coalition politics. Keywords: Borders, local politicians, actors of local development, social capital

Ao investigar sobre a contribuição e o destaque dos japoneses e descendentes à sociedade brasileira em diversas áreas como: profissional, acadêmica, artística, esportiva etc., esta dissertação objetivará analisar a contribuição e a trajetória nipônica em uma área ainda não muito explorada: a área da participação na política. Especificamente, a pesquisa tratará sobre a trajetória política dos nikkeis na cidade de Mairinque, interior de São Paulo, iniciada em 1960, época da emancipação da cidade. O contexto da chegada na cidade, como entraram para a política, como se elegeram, o papel das associações japonesas no pleito etc. Em um primeiro momento foram utilizadas referências bibliográficas para a coleta de informações acerca do panorama geral dessa participação no cenário político nacional, principalmente no Estado de São Paulo, começando, oficialmente, após o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, época em que os nikkeis já estavam decididos que permaneceriam definitivamente no Brasil. Para a coleta dos dados e informações para os objetivos específicos do estudo foram feitas observações in loco através de pesquisa de campo utilizando entrevistas semiestruturadas com os próprios políticos e/ou familiares para esse fim. Analisando as informações através de leituras e das entrevistas, verifica-se que nos primeiros pleitos os candidatos eram eleitos apenas pelos votos da colônia japonesa. No decorrer dos anos nota-se que a etnia já encontrara-se totalmente assimilada à cidade, recebendo votos de todas as etnias que a compõe e lutavam em favor dos interesses de todos. Conclui-se que os nikkeis na cidade estavam desde o começo comprometidos com o trabalho e com as questões não só da comunidade japonesa, mas, também, com as dos outros brasileiros. / In investigating the contribution and the prominence of Japanese and descendants to Brazilian society in several areas such as: professional, academic, artistic, sports, etc., this dissertation will aim to analyze the contribution and the trajectory of Japanese people in an area not yet explored: participation in politics. Specifically, the research will deal with the political trajectory of the Nikkei in the city of Mairinque, in the countryside of São Paulo, begun in 1960, the time of the emancipation of the city. The context of the arrival in the city, how they entered into politics, how they elected themselves, the role of Japanese associations in litigation, etc. Bibliographical references were initially used to gather information about the general panorama of this participation in the national political scene, mainly in the State of São Paulo, officially beginning after the end of World War II, when the Nikkei were already decided that they would definitely remain in Brazil. In order to collect data and information for the specific objectives of the study, field observations were made through field research using semi-structured interviews with the politicians themselves and/or their families for this purpose. Analyzing the information through readings and interviews, it turns out that in the first lawsuits the candidates were elected only by the votes of the Japanese colony. Over the years it has been noticed that the ethnic group had already been totally assimilated to the city, receiving votes from all the ethnic groups that compose it and fought for the interests of all. It is concluded that the Nikkei in the city were from the beginning committed to the work and issues not only of the Japanese community, but also with those of the other Brazilians.

Ao investigar sobre a contribuição e o destaque dos japoneses e descendentes à sociedade brasileira em diversas áreas como: profissional, acadêmica, artística, esportiva etc., esta dissertação objetivará analisar a contribuição e a trajetória nipônica em uma área ainda não muito explorada: a área da participação na política. Especificamente, a pesquisa tratará sobre a trajetória política dos nikkeis na cidade de Mairinque, interior de São Paulo, iniciada em 1960, época da emancipação da cidade. O contexto da chegada na cidade, como entraram para a política, como se elegeram, o papel das associações japonesas no pleito etc. Em um primeiro momento foram utilizadas referências bibliográficas para a coleta de informações acerca do panorama geral dessa participação no cenário político nacional, principalmente no Estado de São Paulo, começando, oficialmente, após o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, época em que os nikkeis já estavam decididos que permaneceriam definitivamente no Brasil. Para a coleta dos dados e informações para os objetivos específicos do estudo foram feitas observações in loco através de pesquisa de campo utilizando entrevistas semiestruturadas com os próprios políticos e/ou familiares para esse fim. Analisando as informações através de leituras e das entrevistas, verifica-se que nos primeiros pleitos os candidatos eram eleitos apenas pelos votos da colônia japonesa. No decorrer dos anos nota-se que a etnia já encontrara-se totalmente assimilada à cidade, recebendo votos de todas as etnias que a compõe e lutavam em favor dos interesses de todos. Conclui-se que os nikkeis na cidade estavam desde o começo comprometidos com o trabalho e com as questões não só da comunidade japonesa, mas, também, com as dos outros brasileiros. / In investigating the contribution and the prominence of Japanese and descendants to Brazilian society in several areas such as: professional, academic, artistic, sports, etc., this dissertation will aim to analyze the contribution and the trajectory of Japanese people in an area not yet explored: participation in politics. Specifically, the research will deal with the political trajectory of the Nikkei in the city of Mairinque, in the countryside of São Paulo, begun in 1960, the time of the emancipation of the city. The context of the arrival in the city, how they entered into politics, how they elected themselves, the role of Japanese associations in litigation, etc. Bibliographical references were initially used to gather information about the general panorama of this participation in the national political scene, mainly in the State of São Paulo, officially beginning after the end of World War II, when the Nikkei were already decided that they would definitely remain in Brazil. In order to collect data and information for the specific objectives of the study, field observations were made through field research using semi-structured interviews with the politicians themselves and/or their families for this purpose. Analyzing the information through readings and interviews, it turns out that in the first lawsuits the candidates were elected only by the votes of the Japanese colony. Over the years it has been noticed that the ethnic group had already been totally assimilated to the city, receiving votes from all the ethnic groups that compose it and fought for the interests of all. It is concluded that the Nikkei in the city were from the beginning committed to the work and issues not only of the Japanese community, but also with those of the other Brazilians.