published_or_final_version / Political Science / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This dissertation examines the interaction between music, politics and the Cameroonian media in the production and role of the popular music called bikutsi. In the context of Cameroonian music, bikutsi had long been associated solely with the Beti region surrounding the capital of Yaoundé, and as such considered a marginal music patronized by the “villageois.” Nevertheless, after Paul Biya assumed the presidency of Cameroon in 1982, and his subsequent inauguration of the Office de Télévision Nationale du Cameroun (Cameroon Radio and Television-CRTV) in 1985, bikutsi acquired the importance of a national music, and indeed a minor global phenomenon. Using the politico-economic backdrop of capital at the millennium, I show how the ethos of neoliberalism has helped turn African nation-states such as Cameroon into what has been called “regimes of unreality,” divorced from economic control, dependent on a multitude of development projects in the manner of contemporary cargo cults, and left with only the semblance of fetishism with which to connect to its people. In recent years, however, the process of media liberalization has taken away the state media’s ability to enact that message, and thus the regime’s power of persuasion. Instead the populace is left with a new type of cargo, in the form of sounds and imagery to go along with the narrative of global consumer culture. This has left an opportunity for those with the skill and imagination to make use of the new information, allowing artists, musicians and writers to be the next members of a new civil society. This is what I refer to as the emancipatory promise of the new cargo cult, where instead of capital accumulation there is only ephemera—signs, sounds and images that multiply and intensify in unpredictable and sometimes dangerous ways. I use the national lens of bikutsi to analyze these dynamics on a local and global level, in the city, the quartier and the village. Ultimately, understanding the media process and cargo has the ability to allow individuals to overcome the narrow vision of political machinery, and act as another potential cog in the civil society of meaningful relationships. / text

and underlying the literature about the regime of the Fifth Republic in France,namely,the nature of the relationship between a particular form of presidential rule on the one hand,and parliamentary,party and republican politics on the other.Although this literature examines the effect on politics of the Republic's first President,Charles de Gaulle - notably his encouragement of the institutionalisation of presidentialism - ,it neglects three central questions concerning: 1. the interrelationship of his idea of authority and principles of republican rule; 2. the nature of republicanism; 3. the manner and mode of party political adaptation to the norms and practices of the Fifth Republic.In general,this literature does not direct sufficient 'attention to the complex relationship between leaders and their actual or potential constituencies (Chapter I). The agenc~ of this relationship is language;the major context,public discourse in ritual settings.Before examining examples of such discourse,a discussion of their conditions of. existence and of their organisational and discursive contexts notes the intrusion into party discourse of myths and appeals to forms of allegiance which transcend traditional part~ allegiances in order to enhance the status of leaders.The discussion further demonstrates the centrality of discourse in political exchange in democratic politics (Chapter 2).Three case studies of the public discourse of the Communist,Socialist and Gaullist parties in the 1970s are prefaced by a discussion of the methodological issues involved in such a study (Chapter 3).Each of the case study chapters (Chapters 4,5 and 6) establishes an~ analyses the .strategic,doctrinal, organisational and other conditions of the texts to be studied,before analysing them in detail. The case studies illustrate the complexity both of discursive claims to leadership and of their relationship to political organisation.Each of the political parties studied responds in a different way,depending upon its traditions and dispositions,to the constraints imposed upon it by presidential practice in the Fifth Republic.The essence of the Communist response is the presentation of innovation as orthodoxy;the Socialist,the conflation of pragmatism and millenarianism;the Gaullist,the reconstruction and deployment of an abandoned Gaullist myth.The study of these party discourses further indicates: the formative influence of discourse upon political pract,ice; the polyvalence of party doctrines; and the subtle interaction of intra- and extra-party myths and traditions in the general development of a presidential regime.

第一章簡述泰國憲法變遷的方式，以及本論文所研究的方向與範圍，第二章 敘述泰國立憲政體建制的背景，其中包括沿述泰國的傳統政治以及立憲前後的政 治情況，第三章闡釋泰國憲法的制定經過、制定程序、以及憲法的主要內容與憲 法的基本精神。第四章詳述第二次世界大戰結束前泰國憲法變遷的情形，其中包 括憲法的修正、促使憲法修正的因素以及修改的內容；修正後的效果，第五章詳 述第二次世界大戰結束後泰國憲法變遷的趨勢，其中包括憲法的修正與更新，促 使憲法修正與更新的背景，其內容的規定、權力的分配，各掌權機關對自已權力 的行使，以及憲法內容的規定所形成之政洽體系，第六章結論。

第一章緒論，第一節扼要敘述歷代監察制度演進之趨勢，第二節說明清代政 治之特質，以明都察院所受之影響。 第二章談清代都察院之組織，分四節，分別說明都察院設置之沿革、編制， 都察院官員之選任情形，都察院官員之升轉，以及都察院之內部關係。 第三章敘述清代都察院之權限，分節闡明都察院之諫議權、彈劾權、人事權 、司法權、稽察權、監試典試權，以及其他未列入前面分類之權限。 第四章說明影響都察院運作之因素，從清代政制之高度君主集權與部族政權 之特性，以分析都察院監察權所受之影響。 第五章結論，從本論都察院之組織權，與明代都察院略作比較以說明清代都 察院之優劣點。

本論文綱要及內容如下： 第一章「緒論」分三節，第一節「研究動機，範圍及方法」，第二節「日本 政黨政治概況」，自一八六八年明治維新至二次大戰後之日本政黨政治史作一簡 介，第三節「公明黨之簡史及其現況」。 第二章「分明黨之特質」，此章亦分為三節。第一節「創價學會之理念」， 公明黨是創價學會（宗教團體）衍生出之政治組織，因此創價學會之理念即自然 成為公明黨政治理念之背景；第二節「公明黨之理念與政策」；第三節「分明黨 與創價學會之關係」。創價學會是公明黨之「母體」，其二者在各方面均有相當 密切之關係，故從「政治與宗教」之角度來探討之。 第三章「公明黨『政教分離』變遷之萌芽」。第一節「言論出版妨害問題之 探討」，公明黨因於一九七０年以「言論出版妨害問題」事件而受到輿論對公明 黨和創價學會其間「政教一致」關係的嚴厲批評，公明黨不能不改善其間之關係 ；第二節「政教分離之涵義」，由一般「政治與宗教」及「政黨與宗教」之關係 來檢討。 第四章「新生公明黨」（一）。本章分二節來處理公明黨體質改善之方法與 策略。第一節「公明鱉與創價學會關係之改善」，第二節「公明黨近代化之策略 」。 第五章「新生公明黨」（二）。第四章論及公明黨為實施「政教分離所採行 的黨體質改善之問題。本章則研究公明黨對外黨勢擴張之問題。分二節、第一節 「公明黨之左傾政策及策略」；第二節「公明黨對擴大社會勢力所用之策略」。 第六章「結論」分三節。第一節「公明黨政教分離之實態」；第二節「公明 黨政教分離之評價與展望」；第三節「公明黨政教分離對日本政局之影響」。

本論文計七章二十一節，約十四萬字訂為一冊。 第一章：導論，首先說明主題並下定義，其次敘述研究動機與目的，最後則簡 述本文研究方法與研究架構。 第二章：政略形成的思想主流，始則交待，何以法家思想會成為戰國時代思想 的主流，繼則探討法家之界說，形成與思想性質，解釋法家被誤會的情形，終則探 討法家的霸政論及對秦大一統的貢獻。 第三章：政略形成的勢背景，政略的制定必須順應歷史潮流與時代環境需要， 而且必須考慮到政冶與軍事地略的發展。 第四章：政略的形成：本章探討國家目標，決策中心，決策形成，與反饋。 第五章：政略的內容與執行，秦一統天下政略計有富國強兵，連橫事秦，遠交 近攻，分化兼敵與國家建設等。 第六章：政略的執行效果，析論手段達成目標的程度。 第七章：結論，對秦政成敗作價值免除的分析。

本論文共一冊，約八萬字，分二大部份，七章，另加結論。第一部份寫委員會 的法制系絡，第一章導論，就研究範疇及假設提出說明。並介紹委員會的歷史背景 ；第二章委員會的結構。分別就法律規定及慣例說明委員會的組織及職掌。第二部 份寫委員會的功能表現，是本論文的重心所在，提出協助立法、反映民意、溝通意 見、政黨協調及監督行政五項標準。分列三、四、五、六、七章，就實察情形予以 統計分析或輔以個案例證，以衡量委員會的功能表現。最後，結論一章，提出個人 的一點看法和建議。

共壹冊，約七萬，，分五章，二十節。 第一章：導論：首言憲法解釋之必要，其次簡述各國憲法解釋制度，以及我國 現行憲法解釋制度之建立，再次陳明本論文之研究動機、研究方法與 研究範圍。 第二章：歷屆大法官之分析：著重其任命程序及個人背景之探討。 第三章：解釋之聲請—聲請人及其聲請原因之分析。 第四章：解釋成案之分析：分析已公布有關憲法解釋案之性質、效力、影響以 及解釋中的不同意見。 第五章：結論—憲法解釋之功能：就憲法解釋之宗旨並參考其他國家之經驗， 列出憲法解釋應發揮之功能，次綜合前列各章歸納司法院大法官會議 解釋憲法之功能，並加總評及建議。