Class of 2014 Abstract / Specific Aims: To classify East Asian and Pacific countries into homogenous groups based on potential determinants of their healthcare expenditures and public health care. Methods: We used data from the 1995 to 2010 World Health Organization (WHO) database. Cluster analysis techniques were applied to identify clusters of East Asian and Pacific countries using variables identified as potential determinants of healthcare expenditures and public health care. Differences between clusters of countries were validated using Analysis of Variance (ANOVA). Average annual growth rate (AAGR) was calculated to study the change in trends across countries over time. Main Results: Nineteen countries with complete data were included. Of those, we identified four distinct clusters. Cluster 1 consisted of Cambodia, Laos, Mongolia, Solomon Islands, Timor-Leste and Vanuatu. Cluster 2 represented China, Myanmar, and Vietnam. Cluster 3 consisted of Fiji, Indonesia, South Korea, Malaysia and Thailand. Cluster 4 represented Micronesia, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Samoa and Tonga. Health Expenditure per capita AAGR (P=0.002), infant mortality rate AAGR (P=0.018), life expectancy at birth AAGR (p=0.003), population ages 65 and above AAGR (P=0.004) and death rate (P<0.001) were found to be significantly different among the clusters. Clusters were similar based on birth rate (P=0.425) and public health expenditure (P=0.231), though there were trends of differences. Conclusion: East Asian and Pacific countries were similar based on birth rate and public health expenditure, but were different based on health expenditure per capita, infant mortality rate, life expectancy at birth, population ages 65 and above and death rate. Exploration of clusters among countries may increase the chances of success for health policies and innovations at lower costs of targeted implementation at a global level.

Magister Legum - LLM / Sugar, bananas, beef and cotton are some of the few products, which are the primary commodities in many African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP).2 Many are highly vulnerable small islands, landlocked and least developed states,' thus rendering the above-mentioned sectors, of great importance to their economies." In these countries, for instance, the sugar producers often provide housing, health care, education and other benefits.i

This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law.  From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African,  Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

<p>The Central African Monetary and Economic Community, known by its French acronym CEMAC (Communaut&eacute / Economique et Mon&eacute / taire de l&rsquo / Afrique Centrale), is one of the oldest regional economic blocs in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states. Its membership comprises of Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. It has a population of over 32 million inhabitants in a three million (3 million) square kilometre expanse of land. The changes in the world economy, and especially between the ACP countries, on the one hand, and the European Economic Community-EEC (hereinafter referred to as European Union (EU)), on the other hand, did not leave the CEMAC region unaffected. CEMAC region, like any other regional economic blocs in Africa was faced with the need to readjust in the face of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The region which had benefited from preferential access to the EU market including financial assistance through the European Development Fund (EDF) had to comply with the rules laid down in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This eventually led to a shift in the EU trade policy, in order to ensure that its trade preferences to developing countries were compatible to the rules and obligations of the WTO.</p>

<p>The Central African Monetary and Economic Community, known by its French acronym CEMAC (Communaut&eacute / Economique et Mon&eacute / taire de l&rsquo / Afrique Centrale), is one of the oldest regional economic blocs in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states. Its membership comprises of Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, the Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. It has a population of over 32 million inhabitants in a three million (3 million) square kilometre expanse of land. The changes in the world economy, and especially between the ACP countries, on the one hand, and the European Economic Community-EEC (hereinafter referred to as European Union (EU)), on the other hand, did not leave the CEMAC region unaffected. CEMAC region, like any other regional economic blocs in Africa was faced with the need to readjust in the face of a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The region which had benefited from preferential access to the EU market including financial assistance through the European Development Fund (EDF) had to comply with the rules laid down in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This eventually led to a shift in the EU trade policy, in order to ensure that its trade preferences to developing countries were compatible to the rules and obligations of the WTO.</p>

There are many ways in which to define the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Using Holsti‟s definitions of role theory, this study distinguishes between the ego (the EU) and the alter (the ACP countries), referring to the differing perceptions that each has regarding the same issue: the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). It is argued that the EU carries out its external policies vis-à-vis the ACP countries, and in particular with the EPAs, in a manner that is perceived very differently by the two parties. The EU perceives its behaviour as that of Normative Power Europe (NPE) whereby actions are identified as altruistic and determined by a number of norms that form the core of the EU. Alternatively, it is suggested that in contrast to NPE, the ACP countries, with specific reference to southern Africa, experience and perceive quite a different version of the EU which is determined by Market Power Europe (MPE). MPE highlights a tangible and self-interested Europe not concerned entirely with altruistic intentions but rather the interests of its Single Market. The co-existence of these perceptions accounts for the difficulties faced in concluding the EPA negotiations. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa