This thesis describes and interprets the historical development of the legal regulation of the Ugandan trade union movement and assesses the relative importance of law in the determination of the character of trade union organisation in the post-colonial period 1962-1987. Chapter I defines the scope of the thesis and identifies the theoretical framework and analytical themes on which the thesis is based. Chapter II deals with the colonial foundations of the post-colonial legislation with which the thesis is mainly concerned. Chapters III, IV and V cover the period 1962-1987 whereby we analyse, first, the class and political character of the legal changes that take place between 1963-1976. Secondly, we examine the practical operation and impact of the law vis-a-vis the role of state policy and behaviour, the ideological outlook adopted by the trade unions, union constitutional structures and leadership struggles in the formation of the character of contemporary trade unionism in Uganda. The thesis treats law as a historical category and takes as its starting point the Marxist conceptualisations which view law variously as an instrument of the dominant class, as ideology or which attempt a materialist analysis. From these perspectives we examine the processes of class struggle through which the specific legislation came into being and more crucially the importance of the balance of class forces in the practical utilisation of legal rights or restrictions. We conclude in Chapter VI that while the economic parameters in which trade unions exist and operate are important determinants of union character, within those parameters the character of the state has proved to be most crucial. But at the level of the unions themselves, the ideology they adopt, their constitutional structures and leadership struggles, together, have created the contemporary undemocratic, economistic-apolitical and technocratic aspects of trade unionism in Uganda. However law has been important for the unions to the extent that it has been mainly a source of legitimation for their autonomous existence, most of the time, in their chequered history. The analysis of the historical and class origins and nature of the law regulating trade union organisation and the assessment we make of the role of law vis-a-vis the role played by other factors in determining the character of trade union organisation in Uganda is, in our view, an original contribution to the knowledge of industrial relations law in Uganda. The construction and interpretation of the historical phases through which both trade union law and trade union organisation have passed is likewise an original contribution to the knowledge of trade unionism in Uganda.

This thesis discusses the impact of the United States' foreign economic policy on the legal and political systems of Taiwan. Its focus is the bilateral negotiations between Taiwan and the United States and the evolution of the legal and political systems on Taiwan. The widely acknowledged economic miracle of Taiwan has been combined, in recent years, with a deliberate attempt to transform the country's political structures in a democratic direction. Paradoxically, Taiwan's move towards democracy has seriously strained Taiwan / United States relations. For many years, the special relations between the two countries were characterised by Taiwan's almost total dependency on the United States both as a market for its products as well as a protector of its territorial integrity. The end of the Cold War, the new role of the People's Republic of China and the globalisation of the international economy have brought this special relation to an end. The changing nature of the relationship between the United States and Taiwan has not, however, brought an end the traditional behaviour of the United States towards Taiwan which was characterised by aggressive unilateralism. This thesis argues that in the changing context of the 1990s as the negotiating agenda between the two countries expand, the aggressive unilateralism of the United States is undermining the process of democratisation and eroding the rule of law on Taiwan. In order to comply with American pressure, the government of Taiwan is forced to resort to authoritarian measures based on the old corporatist framework that the transition to democracy is meant to supersede. Interestingly, the implications of the undemocratic consequences of these pressure do not seem to concern the United States, as short term economic advantage takes precedence over other considerations. For Taiwan, the way out of this vicious circle of external pressure - undemocratic response - external pressure is to diversify its international economic links. The problems and implications of this policy options are discussed in the thesis. The specific policy areas analysed in this thesis are commodity trade, trade in services and intellectual property protection.

Today, the Nigerian oil industry is dominated by MNOCs who provide the technology and managerial expertise for the running of the industry. Petroleum development is a capital-intensive business involving enormous sums of money in foreign exchange. It also involves a lot of negotiations between the MNOCs and Nigeria. These negotiations often end with signing of contractual obligations by both sides. Nigeria, being a Third world country is at obvious disadvantage compared to the MNOCs in terms of risk capital, technology and management skills. The major focus of the study is on the structure and forms of petroleum development contracts between Nigeria and the MNOCs. The scope covers contracts spanning the period when oil exploration first began in Nigeria to the present. Crucial issues such as ownership, control, transfer of technology, financial returns and 'indigenisation' of the industry under the contracts is examined against the background of the country's overall foreign investment policies, petroleum policies and changes in the global oil scene. The aim is to see whether the contracts strike a balance between foreign exploitation and national policy objectives. With contemporary study of law gradually moving towards the study of law as an interdisciplinary subject, the study significantly draws on political economy writings in economics, politics and law. It is found that three kinds of petroleum contracts are operating in Nigeria. These include - concession regimes, joint venture/participation agreements and production sharing/risk service contracts. Also that the structures of these contracts are largely based on the bargaining strength of the two parties. Although, the study argued that Nigeria had improved her bargaining position through her experience over the years and membership of OPEC, yet the study demonstrates that these contracts do not allow Nigeria enough opportunity to reduce her dependence on the MNOCs. In all, the study demonstrates how difficult it is for a less developed country such as Nigeria to gain complete control over its petroleum resource (even if it has the capital) if it lacks technological and managerial capabilities. It also demonstrates the role and limitations of law in fashioning the framework for relations between MNCs and the TWCs.

This research looks at the legal regime governing foreign direct investment (FDI) in Taiwan, and at the interaction between the Government's economic policies, legal reform and FDI in the economic development of Taiwan. The research for this thesis is focused on the period of 1945 to the present; however, a study of the pre-1945 period is provided as a basis for analysing the post-1945 developments. There are three principal aims of this thesis. First, the thesis is designed to illustrate how the economic success of Taiwan challenges traditional views put forward in development theories and in law and development theories, in particular. Secondly, the thesis considers the role of law in the development process. By examining the evolution and operation of the FDI legal regime in Taiwan in its economic, social, political and historical context, this research suggests that the role of law is as a 'doorkeeper' for a country's development. If consistent with a public-interest-oriented economic policy, an appropriate and wellconsidered legal regime can help a country's development without risking its economic sovereignty. Finally, this thesis examines Taiwan's current FDI regime for its appropriateness. Using international law as a reference-point, a detailed analysis is made of Taiwan's current FDI laws. The thesis suggests that certain of these laws are out of date and that further legal reform is required. The thesis concludes by slightly modifying the developmental model for law and FDI which is put forward in Chapter 1, in order to emphasise the important role of government economic policy in Taiwan's development. It is submitted that the Government's choice of development strategy in each of Taiwan's different development phases has been crucial to Taiwan's success. The thesis also concludes that an appropriate legal regime remains important for a country's development regardless of its development status.

The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.

The thesis studies the political participation of Thai farmers and focuses on two main factors, namely the domestic and the external impacts, which inform the case studies of rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers groups. Overall, the research has established that farmers groups have felt the impacts of domestic factors far more strongly than external factors. Furthermore, through comparative studies in relation to the case studies of rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers groups in Thailand, differences emerged between these three Thai farmers groups, in terms of the degree to which domestic factors impacted on their political participation. The theories of Western interest groups are reviewed, in order to examine their applicability to explaining farmers groups formation in Thailand. The concepts of 'collective benefits' and 'selective incentives', which were used by Mancur Olson have been adopted as the main theoretical framework. With reference to this, the research has established that selective incentives have played a highly significant role in Thai farmers groups formation, and concludes that the problems of mobilisation, which relate to rice, sugarcane, and potato farmers groups, have been solved primarily through the provision of a range of selective incentives by the farmers groups themselves. In order to classify the differing levels of political participation of Thai farmers groups, the analytical framework provided by Grant Jordan, Darren Halpin, and William Maloney has been utilised. Accordingly, the rice and potato farmers groups are classified as 'potential pressure participants', whilst the sugarcane farmers group is classified as an 'interest group', which has enabled an examination of their political participation through the Western concept of the policy network/community framework. In order to make the Western policy network/community framework more applicable to the policy-making process in Thailand, the specific, dominant characteristics of the Thai political culture, namely the patronage system and the operation of both vote-buying and corruption are included in the analysis. This conceptual stretching does not significantly affect the original concept of the framework and the way in which it was intended to be applicable, because it already includes informal relationships such as those, which exist within the policy network/community framework. This understanding is an important aspect, which forms a part of the theoretical contribution to the discipline of international political economy and to the arena of Thai political studies. The policy network/community framework provides a new conceptual lens in the study of the political participation of Thai farmers groups. Accordingly, these arguments promote the opportunity to consider alternative frameworks in the analysis of the political participation of Thai farmers groups, and group participation across civil society more generally. The study of the political participation of Thai farmers has utilised empirical evidence, which illustrates the successes of farmers' interest groups in both Japan and the United Kingdom, in order to explain the relative successes and failures of Thai farmers. In contrast to the experiences of Western and notably Japanese farmers groups, in many respects Thai farmers are largely excluded from the policy-making process, with the only exception in Thailand being certain sugarcane farmers groups. The thesis concludes that the political participation of farmers groups in Thailand has generally been affected by domestic impacts rather than by external impacts, and that their influence in domestic policy-making has been, and is likely to remain for the foreseeable future at least, somewhat limited.

This study is concerned with the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) development administration with particular emphasis on the effect of its social and cultural features on its bureaucracy and indigenous civil servants. The thesis analyses the U.A.E.'s political and historical background and its effects on the federal bureaucracy. It stresses that unless we understand the political and historical origins of the country, we will not be able to comprehend its administrative system. The study examines the ecology of the U.A.E.'s public administration. It identifies socio-cultural, educational and demographic variables as the three main ecological forces that play a significant role. The thesis provides a theoretical appraisal of the working of the federal administrative machinery in the U.A.E. It examines the administrative functions of the Federal Council of Ministers and the Federal Civil Service Council and identifies their weaknesses. The study explores the administrative problems facing the federal bureaucracy. Administrative inflation, shortage of indigenous skilled manpower, lack of job classification and the weakness of federal apparatuses in comparison to their local counterparts are the major stumbling blocks in the way of efficient administration in the U.A.E. Through a questionnaire based survey which obtained 312 (81%) responses the thesis empirically confirms the linkage between the indigenous employees' administrative performance and the socio-cultural variables surrounding them. It reveals that most of the irrational attitudes and behaviour of indigenous employees are not solely the result of corruption but rather of the social and cultural pressures which force them to apply particularistic approaches i.e. nepotism, favouritism,etc, in order to satisfy their familial interests over their organizational interests. Accordingly, most indigenous civil servants decline to recognize the administrative obligations of their jobs as being more essential than their familial obligations.

This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.

The end of apartheid presents South Africa with an opportunity to realise its full potential as an important member of the global political economy. This follows a period of three decades of progressive isolation from the global community. The major external challenge facing South Africa now is that the world it is trying to integrate with is much changed from the one it was previously part of. It is of vital importance that as an emerging nation it fully appreciates the nature of this changed world. The global political economy has changed rapidly over the past decade. Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party and after 1985 he gradually introduced the process of reconstructing the Soviet economy, known as perestroika. This, together with glasnost, began a process of rapid change culminating in the collapse of communism throughout Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and an end to the Cold War. Thus, western ideas of democracy became dominant and democratic regimes (although not necessarily liberal democratic) became the world's dominant form. Economically, the most important global trend has been that of liberalisation together with what the literature calls globalisation. Rapid advances in transport and communications technology, combined with the trend towards market deregulation have lowered the barriers between national markets; technology and skills, rather than natural resources and cheap labour have become the crucial enabling factors for competing in the global economy. This thesis contends that such a background gives South Africa little choice but to integrate into the global system if it is to secure the best conditions for its economic, social and political development. It also argues, that as a middle-income developing country or economy in transition, the parameters within which it can achieve this integration are fairly narrowly defined. South Africa is quite unique in the nature of its structural problems due to the legacy of apartheid. It remains a deeply divided society with great extremes of wealth and poverty. Its economy has a dualistic nature with a formal industrial sector and a large underdeveloped informal sector. To compete in the global marketplace South Africa must be able to attract additional production factors and resources from outside. Due to the high levels of protectionism inherited from the apartheid era there is a need for a reorientation of South Africa's trade policy. Relations with its principal trading partner, the European Union, will be crucially important here. Finally, South Africa cannot avoid its geographical location in Africa. An underdeveloped and politically unstable Southern Africa would greatly reduce South Africa's chances of successful global integration. In contrast a stable, more integrated region, would be to the benefit of South Africa, not least in creating a regional bloc able to exert greater leverage at a global level. However, given that regionalisation may not be wholly compatible with greater global integration, at least in the short to medium term, South Africa faces some difficult policy choices ahead.

Ocean circulation changes in the tropical Pacific strongly influence global climate, as demonstrated during El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) extremes. Understanding the causes of past variability in tropical Pacific circulation and their relationship to climate change will help to predict how future climate may evolve under anthropogenic radiative forcing. I measure fossil coral radiocarbon (Δ¹⁴C) from Palmyra (6°N, 162°W) and Christmas (2°N, 157°W) Islands in the central tropical Pacific to reconstruct high-resolution records of tropical Pacific ocean circulation variability over the last millennium. Variations in coral Δ¹⁴C from Palmyra and Christmas reflect a combination of the atmospheric concentration of ¹⁴C at the time of growth, Δ¹⁴C-depleted waters associated with equatorial upwelling, and Δ¹⁴C -enriched waters advected from the western tropical Pacific. Existing oxygen isotopic (δ ¹⁸O) records of the Palmyra and Christmas fossil corals reveal a rich history of interannual to centennial variability in sea-surface temperature (SST) and salinity over the last millennium [Cobb et al., 2003b]. My approach targets specific time intervals associated with strong interannual to centennial-scale coral δ ¹⁸O anomalies for high-resolution Δ¹⁴C analysis. Seasonally-resolved Δ¹⁴C measurements are used to compare interannual Δ¹⁴C variability across the 10th, 13th, 15th, 17th, and 20th centuries. Annually-resolved Δ¹⁴C measurements are used to compare decadal to centennial-scale Δ¹⁴C variations from the 10th, 12th - 15th and 17th centuries. SEM photos are used to assess the fidelity of the coral Δ¹⁴C records with respect to post-depositional alteration of the coral skeleton. I find evidence for minor dissolution and addition of secondary aragonite, but my results indicate that coral Δ¹⁴C is only compromised after moderate to severe diagenesis. Despite strong ENSO signals in modern and fossil coral δ ¹⁸O, our data show no statistically significant interannual variability in coral ¹⁴C. There is a centennial-scale increase in coral radiocarbon from the Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA, ~900-1200AD) to the Little Ice Age (LIA, ~1500-1800). I use a box model of central tropical Pacific Δ¹⁴C contributions to show that this centennial-scale trend over the last millennium is largely explained by centennial-scale changes in atmospheric ¹⁴C. However, large 12th century depletions in Palmyra coral ∆¹⁴C data cannot be explained by atmospheric ¹⁴C variability and likely reflect a roughly two-fold increase in upwelling and/or a significant change in the ¹⁴C of higher-latitude source waters reaching the equatorial Pacific during this time. Conversely, significantly enriched Christmas coral ∆¹⁴C values during the 16th century are consistent with a two-fold reduction in upwelling strength and/or the advection of high-¹⁴C waters to the equatorial thermocline from higher latitudes.