@font-face { font-family: "Cambria"; }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-indent: 0.5in; line-height: 200%; font-size: 11pt; font-family: "Times New Roman"; }span.addmd { }div.Section1 { page: Section1; } Alphonse Mucha is primarily known for his early career producing Parisian Art Nouveau posters. However in 1910, Mucha left Paris to return to his home in the Czech lands where he concentrated on creating works for his country. Unfortunately, the later part of his career receives little to no attention in most art history books. His collection, The Slav Epic, represents ideas of Pan-Slavism, patriotism, and national identity. A leading scholar of national identity was Johann Gottfried Herder, a Czech sympathizer who influenced writers such as Jan Kollár and the historian František Palacký. Mucha’s works provided a visual representation of national identity and collective history specifically called for by these scholars. This thesis seeks to shed light on the late works of this artist, tracing the ever-present Slavonic influences, and also to place them in context within Czech Nationalism and Pan-Slavism in order to establish their historical significance.

This thesis occupies itself with the background of the idea of czechoslovakian state through the outlook of national revival and perspective of T. G. Masaryk. The goal is to inquire how the individual components change in time between 19th and beginning of 20th century. For that purpose methods of analysis and comparison of primary texts of authors who occupied themselves with the topic are used. Contribution of this work is in looking at the problem through the lenses of contemporary documents. Main finding is that some of the arguments on which the idea of czechoslovakian state lays are not very solid.

Magazine Časopis turistů was an association periodical of the Czech Tourist Club (KČT) - the greatest Czech tourist association in Austria-Hungary, which was established by Czech defence organizations - National Unions. By their activity in the Kingdom of Bohemia, they wanted to support Czech minorities in mixed Czech - German areas. Magazine Časopis turistů was first published in 1889; half a year after the organization was founded. This monthly magazine used to bring touristic articles and information for members of the association concerning the area of travelling, other similar associations, actions within the organization, traveller's literature, world exhibitions, etc. Editorial staff cared about quality and variety of the texts that were often written by the members themselves. Sometimes they cooperated with leading Czech writers and travellers too. Content of the issue was oriented to support Czech tourism and it encouraged the readers to courage and self-confidence to assert themselves in mixed areas as Czech tourists. It praised Czech countryside and history. The magazine reacted to some assaults against Czechs and the Club, supported Czech entrepreneurs by advertising, was attentive to development of Czech language and helped the charity oriented to support Czech minorities. Although the Club was...

巴古寧是十九世紀最著名與最活躍的革命家之一。他橫跨歐洲的革命活動、領導俄國的革命民粹運動，以及在第一國際中與馬克思的爭論，使他成為歷史中的一股動力。另外，他的無政府主義思想更使他加入近代政治思想家的行列中。然而，巴古寧的個性、活動與思想的多樣與複雜，卻讓他擁有許多不同的面貌刻畫，有讚美也有毀謗；他的思想也獲得不同的闡釋，是真理也是矛盾。因此，以「革命」作為理解巴古寧生平與思想的關鍵字，本論文試圖探求巴古寧的革命信念源於何處？他的革命思想與實踐如何交互影響與演進？又要如何看待這位毀譽摻雜的歷史人物？ 　　本論文的研究架構主要將巴古寧的革命信念與實踐分成三個階段來討論：第一為思想的年代，期間巴古寧主要沈浸於哲學思想的領域，研讀與吸收德國唯心主義哲學、黑格爾主義以及各種社會主義的學說，沒有實踐革命的機會與行動。第二為泛斯拉夫主義的革命年代，巴古寧主張哈布斯堡帝國(Hapsburg Empire)的瓦解為歐洲革命的關鍵點，並以斯拉夫民族組織成的自由聯邦取代奧匈帝國，形成他革命泛斯拉夫主義的主張。不過，此一思想也曾一度倒退為保守性，轉為期望俄國沙皇變成為革命獨裁者，發起一個由上而下的革命，以便解放所有的斯拉夫人民。此一期間，巴古寧得到多次實踐革命的機會：一八四八年革命期間的布拉格暴動與德萊斯登叛亂，以及一八六三年波蘭叛亂。 　　第三階段是巴古寧無政府主義思想時期，分成「俄國」及「歐洲」兩部分。在俄國部分，巴古寧在瑞士創辦的雜誌《人民的事業》，讓他再度投入俄國革命的宣傳活動，成為俄國革命民粹運動的主要領導人之一。與俄國革命份子涅恰耶夫的合作中，巴古寧發展了個人的革命理論，並對「革命策略」與「革命道德」的問題做一省思。最後，巴古寧對俄國的革命指導形成俄國「到民間去」運動的一個革命派別。歐洲部分，主要探討巴古寧在歐洲的革命活動，包括在義大利以及第一國際中的活動。巴古寧的無政府主義思想，主要鼓吹破壞一切現有秩序，包括政治、社會與宗教制度，廢除國家、教會與私有財產等制度，並建立一個由各種自發性組織所形成的自由聯邦。他的革命方法乃是建立一嚴格紀律的革命密謀組織，組織社會低下階層的暴動成為全面起義，作為達成革命目標的方法。這樣的理念皆表達在參與法國里昂起義、義大利波隆那起義中。 　　研究發現巴古寧的革命信念主要來自三方面：一為黑格爾哲學作為革命的哲學基礎；二為對法國大革命原則「自由、平等、博愛」的追求；最後加上巴古寧的個性。他的革命實踐方法主要依靠宣傳與密謀兩種方式。而在原始社會運動的形式上，預示出革命如何形成與到來，巴古寧實為現代革命的真正先知。 / Michael Bakunin(1814-1876) was one of the most famous and active revolutionaries in the 19th century. His dazzling revolutionary activities across Europe and his famous controversy with Karl Marx(1818-1883) made him an influential historical actor. Besides, his anarchism also ranked him as one of the political thinkers in modern times. However, the complexity of his personality, activities and thoughts were portrayed from the diabolical to the glandular to the heroic; his thoughts were interpreted differently as truths or paradoxes. The purposes of this thesis were to explore where his revolutionary conviction came form, to examine how his thoughts and life interwove and evolved, most of all, to reassess his significance and relevance basing on the up-to-date research. 　　Bakunin's ideological and life odyssey was divided into three parts: a first, philosophic, stage lasting until 1847, in which he confined himself to German idealistic philosophy and socialist thoughts; a second, Pan-Slav phase lasting from 1848 to 1863, during which he saw the key to European revolution in the disintegration of the Hapsburg empire and its replacement by a free federation of Slavic peoples, contrary to this revolutionary PanSlavism, he also saw Russian emperors as revolutionary dictators issuing a revolution from above to emancipate all Slavic peoples; and a final, anarchist period. This period is divided into two parts: one, Russian, is to elaborate on his influences in Russian revolutionary movements and his reflections on the dilemma of the means and ethic of revolution; the other, European, is to examine his revolutionary activities in Europe, especially in Italy and the International Working Men's Association(the first International). The political philosophy of this time is a paean to destruction: all political, social and religious institutions must be destroyed, the goal being a free federation of independent associations. The means of revolution would be a universal rebellion of the lower orders of society, led by a secret group of conspirators bound together by an iron discipline. Four controversies was discussed, including the development of Bakunin's Hegelism interpreted as a continuous development or a leap in thought, whether his "Confession" diminished his integrity and reputation as a revolutionary, the problem of the joint authorship of "Catechism of a Revolutionary", and whether Bakunin's intrigues and secret societies were the main reason resulting in the disintegration of the first International. 　　The conclusion is drawn to point out that Bakunin's revolutionary conviction came from: (1)Hegelism as his revolutionary philosophy; (2)the search for the principals of French Revolution - Liberty, Equality and Fraternity; (3)his personality. His revolutionary means are chiefly propaganda and conspiracy. On the archaic forms of social movement, Bakunin was the true prophet of modern revolution.