Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-12-06T18:29:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Deysi Cioccari.pdf: 1162833 bytes, checksum: ba9b4d32cce8c9834e21e6f4cd9e985e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-06T18:29:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deysi Cioccari.pdf: 1162833 bytes, checksum: ba9b4d32cce8c9834e21e6f4cd9e985e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis take the Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL) and his successor Democratas (DEM) as exponents of the most striking features of the national party system and political system that emerged in the new constitutional order, which began in 1988. This paper seeks to explain the reasons for the decline of the DEM by analyzing its history and its electoral performance. The thesis assumes that the Democratas articulates political forces in such a way that serves as an example of how Brazilian politics. We understand that the DEM is actually a reflection of a greater crisis, from the growth of the Brazilian conservatism begins to slow reaction signals. Situations throughout its history, as the gateway to the opposition that triggered their weakening and the formation of the party in order to occupy positions in government, are nothing more than a reflection of the crisis of the parties. This thesis seeks to show that even over the thirteen years as opposition, the party maintained its conservative discourse and the search for positions now offers a slow recovery, as is the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. We believe that an analysis of the parliamentary fronts, one of the largest Brazilian parliament lobbies, endowed with high financial power and ideological clarity, specifically the Democratas fronts, can explain and exemplify the current Brazilian political model and how to act and always acted the party. We also look at the Parliamentary Group on defense of Evangelicals and Parliamentary Group on defense of the arms industry and Parliamentary Group on defense the agribusiness, three power articulators in Congress which the DEM is part and has expressive voice to demonstrate how to pronounce the parliamentarians / Esta tese de doutorado objetiva tomar o Partido da Frente Liberal (PFL) e seu sucessor Democratas (DEM) como expoentes das características mais marcantes do sistema partidário nacional e do regime político que emergiu na nova ordem constitucional, iniciada em 1988. Este trabalho procura explicar os motivos para o declínio do DEM mediante a análise de sua história e de seu desempenho eleitoral. A tese parte do pressuposto de que o Democratas articula forças políticas de tal forma que serve como exemplo de como funciona a política brasileira. Entendemos que o DEM na verdade é reflexo de uma crise maior que, a partir do crescimento do conservadorismo brasileiro, começa a dar lentos sinais de reação. Situações ao longo de sua história, como a passagem para a oposição que desencadeou o seu enfraquecimento, bem como a formação do partido com o objetivo de ocupar de cargos em governos, nada mais são do que um reflexo da crise dos partidos. Essa tese procura demonstrar que mesmo ao longo dos treze anos como oposição, o partido manteve seu discurso conservador e a busca por cargos oferece agora uma retomada lenta enquanto ocorre o processo de impeachment da presidente Dilma Rousseff. Entendemos que uma análise da bancada ruralista, um dos maiores grupos de pressão do Parlamento brasileiro, dotada de alto poder financeiro e clareza ideológica, especificamente da bancada do Democratas, possa explicar e exemplificar o atual modelo político brasileiro e como age e sempre agiu o partido. Analisamos também a Bancada da Bala, a Bancada Evangélica e a Ruralista, três articuladoras de força no Congresso do qual o DEM faz parte e tem voz expressiva para demonstrar como se pronunciam os parlamentares demistas

Notre thèse porte sur la question carcérale et la gauche révolutionnaire en Italie dans les années 1970 et 1980.La question carcérale devient centrale, en Italie, à partir des années 1970 : ce sont des années de révolte et de revendications de masse, mais aussi la période des mouvements de lutte armée. À ce moment-là, l'État se retrouve confronté à un double problème : d'une part, celui de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, avec des prisons vétustes et des règlements archaïques hérités de la période fasciste, et d'autre part la montée en puissance des mouvements extra-parlementaires et de la lutte armée, qui ne cessent d'augmenter la population carcérale.Cette étude vise à analyser le rôle joué par le système carcéral pendant cette période de crise pour la jeune République italienne, et ceci selon plusieurs points de vue. Nous analysons, d'une part, le mouvement revendicatif des détenus de droit commun, qui se politisent au contact des jeunes extra-parlementaires arrêtés après leurs manifestations. D'autre part, nous étudions la montée en flèche de la violence révolutionnaire qui s'oppose à un État qui, de son côté, accroît l'intensité de la répression et met en place des mesures d'urgence pour contrer la dissidence. Cette confrontation donne naissance à une période particulièrement violente, où la prison fini par assumer une fonction de gestion du conflit politique.À travers la description d'un corpus très varié (articles de journaux, tracts, documents théoriques, documents militants de revendication, archives ministérielles, archives de l'administration pénitentiaire) mais aussi des textes historiographiques et des témoignages directs, cette étude pose la question plus générale du rôle central de l'univers carcéral, comme une véritable clé de lecture sociopolitique des années 70 et 80 italiennes. / Our thesis focuses on the prison issue and the revolutionary Left in Italy during the 1970s and 1980s.The prison question becomes central in Italy from the 1970s: these are the years of revolt and mass claims, but also the period of the armed struggle. At that time, the State faces a double problem: first, the necessary reform of the prison system, with prisons in dilapidated state and archaic regulations inherited from the fascist period ; and secondly the rise of extra-parliamentary movements and armed struggle, which are both increasing the prison population.This study aims at analyzing the part played by the prison system during this crisis period in the young Italian Republic, according to several points of view. We analyze, on the one hand, the protest movement of the common criminals who politicize themselves in contact with the young extra-parliamentary people arrested after their demonstrations. On the other hand, we study the soaring revolutionary violence that opposes the State which, in turn, increases the intensity of repression and sets up emergency measures to counter dissidence. This confrontation gives rise to a particularly violent period in which the prison finally takes up a role of political conflict management.Through the description of a varied corpus (newspaper articles, pamphlets, theoretical documents, activists claim, ministerial archives, archives of the prison administration) as well as historical texts and eyewitness accounts, this study raises the more general question of the prison system as a central key to sociopolitical reading of the Italian Seventies and Eighties.