Capacity-building is an essential component of post-conflict reconstruction (PCR) and peace-building in the aftermath of violent conflict. Civilians, mainly women and children are driven or abducted from their homes during violent conflict and suffer various abuses and atrocities. Many spend the duration of the conflict as refugees in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps in neighbouring countries. Violent conflict impinges on their psychological well-being and socio-economic development making their re-integration into their former communities extremely complex and challenging. In the case of Northern Uganda, the conflict lasted for over two decades. However, since the ―Cessation of Hostilities Agreement‖ of 2006, the peace-building process has been particularly evident here. Numerous stakeholders have been involved in the capacity-building processes in Northern Uganda, and one such organisation is the Friends of Orphans (FRO) in Pader district, Northern Uganda. The purpose of this research study is to explore the challenges facing the FRO in transforming conflict and building sustainable peace through capacity-building in Pader district. The study explores the programmes the organisation implements and investigates how these programmes are relevant for the transformation of conflict. Apart from reviewing the literature, the researcher conducted semi-structured interviews and used participant observation. The employees of the FRO – all of whom are involved with capacity-building in these communities – participated in these interviews in their capacities as social workers, teachers, administrators and field workers. The beneficiaries of these programmes include former child soldiers, abductees, child mothers, land mine survivors and orphans. Lessons learned by the FRO, as well as the researcher‘s recommendations, are discussed in the study in order to assist the future work of the organisation and other stakeholders who have devoted their efforts to the recovery of areas emerging from conflict.

An important focus of peacebuilding as a part of post-conflict reconstruction is the provision of basic needs. Peacebuilding is a move from war to a peaceful future. Peacebuilding rests on the premise that provision of people’s needs eliminates unrest and lawlessness that arise due to war. This in turn prevents a relapse into war. Also, communities that experience war lose many years and tend to develop at slower rates than peaceful areas, if at all they do develop. The twenty year old war in Northern Uganda has caused a gap between this area and the rest of the country. Poverty has left many unable to provide basic needs. Peacebuilding efforts have been undertaken by Non Governmental Organizations, Community Based Organizations, Government of Uganda as well as people in the community organizing themselves into groups to enable them reconstruct their lives. Efforts are being made towards reconstruction, resettlement, reconciliation and providing relief in an effort to move from war and destruction. In many societies, women are left out, marginalized and discriminated against as a result of patriarchy. Their roles in peacebuilding are not considered important and they face many challenges in their efforts to rebuild their lives and families. This research focused on the challenges faced by women in Gulu, a district in the Northern region of Uganda in peacebuilding. Through conducting face to face interviews, and consulting documents available to the public, the researcher collected information about the challenges faced by the Acholi women, the women of Gulu district.

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations. Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries.

The thesis focuses on the activities of the United Nations in Iraq. The thesis as such aims to analyse efficiency of the UN efforts in Iraq, with emphasis on the period after the war in 2003. The framework of the analysis is the concept of peace-building and its phases. In the first part, the thesis defines the term peace-building and its phases. In the second part the function of the UN in the country is analysed based on, among others, the project reports of the multilateral funds created to reconstruct Iraq. The third part focuses on the empirical research and it gives the theoretical knowledge into contrast with the opinions of the Iraqis themselves obtained through an inquiry.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: No contexto internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, as operações de paz da ONU passaram de uma fase focada estritamente na contenção das partes em conflito de modo relativamente imparcial para a promoção de reformas estruturais tidas como necessárias tanto para minar a recorrência do conflito interno quanto possibilitar a transição para uma situação de paz e estabilidade. Nessas novas operações de peacebuilding, os processos de reconstrução do Estado agora lidam com questões cruciais que envolvem a formação ou transformação do chamado setor de segurança. As grandes potências e as principais organizações internacionais passaram a recorrer à Reforma do Setor de Segurança (RSS) como um conjunto de políticas que têm como objetivo readequar as estruturas e atores que lidam com o exercício da violência nesses contextos. No entanto, apesar da emergência da RSS como um tema-chave nos processos de reconstrução, a literatura nacional e internacional ainda é escassa, geralmente apresentando um caráter fortemente normativo. O Haiti vive sob constantes intervenções da ONU desde 1994, durante as quais a RSS se tornou uma das principais atividades exercidas pelos agentes interventores. O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar uma alteração nos modos pelos quais a RSS veio a ser executada entre os esforços dos anos 90 e 2000. Se inicialmente as ações se focaram nas instituições do Estado, com a Minustah elas teriam se aprofundado em direção à população e às formas de vida como um todo, especif... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In the post-Cold War world, the UN's Peace operations has changed from a phase that envisaged the contention of parts in conflict to the promotion of structural reforms understood as necessary to undermine the recurrance of the hostilites and to help establish a certain level of stability and peace. In this new kind of peacebuilding operation, the reconstruction process is intended to form or transform the so-called security sector. The great powers and the most relevant internation organizations started to resort to the Security Sector Reform (SSR) as a framework of policies that envisage the transformation of the structures and actors that deal with the use of violence in these contexts. However, besides the growing importance of SSR as a key-theme in the processes of reconstruction, the national and international literatures are still rare, and generally present a marked normative nature. In the case of Haiti, the country is under constant UN's interventions since 1994. The SSR came to be one of the most importante activites executed by the international actors. The aim of the present work is to demonstrate a changen in the ways that SSR came to be executed between the 90s and 2000s. If the actions had, initially, focused on the state institutions, with the intervention of Minustah they probe directlly to the population and the ways of beeing as a whole, specially to certain "target-groups" and by means that converge the counter-insurgence tactics and humanitarism. We inte... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Alberto Montoya Correa Palácios Júnior / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Neste trabalho, analisamos as diferenças entre os contextos nos quais foram instalados os dois últimos processos de paz que tiveram no lugar durante o conflito interno colombiano, enfocando as relações estabelecidas entre os governos nacionais colombianos e a maior guerrilha insurgente do país, qual seja as FARC-EP. Para tanto, foram utilizados conceitos e análises provenientes dos estudos de processos de paz, com destaque para a teoria de "ripeness", ou maturação, segundo a qual, para além do conteúdo das negociações, é preciso considerar o tempo na evolução de um conflito para que seja possível obter uma solução negociada. Dessa forma, analisamos a instalação de mesas de diálogo sob a presidência de Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002), destacando importantes razões pelas quais não alcançou uma solução para o conflito. Ademais, trabalhamos o período subsequente, sob a gestão do ex-presidente Álvaro Uribe, momento em que foram desenhadas as alterações na dinâmica interna colombiana que proporcionaram as condições para que, em 2012, pudessem ser instaladas as mesas de negociação em Havana, Cuba, na qual as partes conseguiram alinhar um acordo final para terminação do conflito. Ao localizarmos nossa análise no âmbito das relações internacionais, damos especial atenção à influência da comunidade internacional nas dinâmicas desenvolvidas ao longo do conflito, bem como às repercussões deste nas relações estabelecidas entre a Colômbia e seus parceiros. / Abstract: In this work, we analyze the differences between the contexts in which were installed the last two processes that took place during the Colombian internal conflict, focusing in the relations established between the Colombian national governments and the biggest insurgent guerrilla of the country, which is FARC-EP. To do so, we used concepts and analyses from the peace process studies, focusing on the "ripeness" theory, according to which, in addition to the content of negotiations, it is necessary to consider timing in the evolution of a conflict in order to be possible to obtain a negotiated solution. Considering this, we analyze the installation of a negotiation board under the Andrés Pastrana's administration (1998-2002), highlighting important reasons not to reach a solution for the conflict. Moreover, we explore the subsequent period, under the former president Álvaro Uribe's administration, when were designed the changes in the Colombian internal dynamic that provided the conditions so that, in 2012, was possible to installed the negotiation board in Habana, Cuba, in which the sides were able to line up a final agreement for the end of the conflict. By placing the analysis in the spectrum of the international relations, we give special attention to the influence of the international community in the conflict dynamics as well as the repercussions of the latest in the relations between Colombia and its partners. / Resumen: En este trabajo, analizamos las diferencias entre los contextos en los cuales fueron instalados los dos últimos procesos de paz que tuvieron lugar durante el conflicto interno colombiano, enfocando las relaciones establecidas entre los gobiernos nacionales colombianos y la mayor guerrilla insurgente del país, cual sea las FARC-EP. Para tanto, utilizamos los conceptos y análisis de los estudios de procesos de paz, con destaque para la teoría de "ripeness", o madurez, según la cual, además del contenido de las negociaciones, es necesario considerar el tiempo en la evolución de un conflicto para que sea posible obtener una solución negociada. Con eso, analizamos la instalación de mesas de dialogo bajo la presidencia de Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002), destacando importantes razones por las cuales no ha alcanzado una solución para el conflicto. Por otra parte, trabajamos el siguiente periodo, bajo la gestión del expresidente Álvaro Uribe, momento en que fueron dibujadas las alteraciones en la dinámica interna colombiana que proporcionaron las condiciones de manera que en el año 2012 se ha podido instalar las mesas de negociación en Habana, Cuba, en la cual las partes han podido alinear un acuerdo final para terminación del conflicto. Por posicionar nuestro análisis en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales damos especial atención a la influencia de la comunidad internacional en las dinámicas desarrolladas durante el conflicto, bien como a las repercusiones del último en las rela... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Mestre

This thesis examines grassroots peace building in Kosovo during the period 2001 - 2008 and seeks to understand how international actors have best supported, or otherwise, a process of deepening peace at this level. The research centres on analysis of thirty-three in-depth interviews with the main actors from this field. Through analysing interpretations of peace and peace building in Kosovo, I identify a contradiction between on the one hand, the dominant approach of building peace through relationships (favoured by international actors); and on the other, the need for peace to address personal needs. This means helping individuals come to terms with the past, and affecting a broader normalization of people’s everyday lives. I assert that a ‘deepening’ of peace in Kosovo will ultimately come about through offering young people more opportunities to ‘open up their hearts and minds’ - to broaden their horizons in ways that they feel empowered to view themselves and the world around them through a critical lens. This research identifies negative attitudes and behaviours amongst external actors in Kosovo, and illustrates how our personal qualities and conduct are of primary importance when it comes to peace building. In doing so, I identify a need for a higher level of self-awareness, commitment and empathy amongst external actors. Whilst reports have emerged which seek to evaluate the impact of peace building in Kosovo, this research examines the experiences of those engaged in such endeavours and encompasses a strong story-telling element. It also seeks to ground the issues at stake within a broader understanding of Kosovo’s social and historical landscape.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Technology: Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Corruption has increasingly become a challenging issue that undermines peacebuilding processes. Anti-corruption efforts therefore constitute one of the ways of building and sustaining positive peace. Attempts to combat corruption generally follow one of three strategies which include: developing legal and punitive frameworks, establishing investigative and preventive mechanisms and promoting ethical values-based approaches. The present study has explored corruption in Rwanda and has highlighted the necessity of developing anti-corruption education as a way of combatting corruption. The first part of the study has used focus group discussions and interviews to collect information on corruption in Rwanda while the second part consists of experimental interventions organized to test an anti-corruption education curriculum. It has been realized that Rwanda, if compared with other African countries, has made remarkable progress in terms of fighting against corruption. However, the country still has a long way to go in order to achieve its ambition of building a corruption-free nation. The educational strategies to ensure the promotion of ethical values-based approaches have been found the weakest aspect of the anti-corruptioan campaign in Rwanda. This study has emphasized the necessity of involving children in the combat against corruption. Inspired by the Ubupfura ethical values, which are embedded in Rwandan culture, the study has proposed an anti-corruption curriculum for Rwandan children under the name of Nibakurane Ubupfura. Through the experimental interventions and preliminary evaluation of the curriculum, it has been demonstrated with evidence that the proposed anti-corruption education, applying an Ubupfura model, could significantly contribute to equipping children with the skills needed to disassociate and distance themselves from corrupt practices. With reference to the short-term impact of the experimental intervention conducted in this study, it leaves no doubt that the continous use of this education curriculum will help children to develop attitudes and behaviors that resist corruption. It is argued in this study that an effective campaign against corruption should consider promoting anti-corruption education with the aim of enabling present and future generations to maintain and live out the Ubupfura ethical values. Considering the link between anti-corruption and peacebuilding efforts, as explained in this study, it is underlined that efforts continuously made to raise such generations could undoubtedly move Rwandan society toward sustainable positive peace. / D

Univ. of Ulster, Diss. u.d.T.: Leonie G. Murray: United States-United Nations relations during the first Clinton administration, with special reference to Somalia and Rwanda--Coleraine, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management Science: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / This thesis sought to answer the research question: How can youth programmes in South Africa contribute more effectively to peacebuilding? South Africa is a country suffering from major inequality and violence. The mark left by the previous disempowering system is still affecting South African people and there is a clear need for justice and healing from all forms of violence and inequality. The existing inequalities are largely racial and economic and those under 25 years of age constitute a large percentage of both perpetrators and victims of violent crime (Clark 2012: 78). This study focused on youth in the Durban area who are South Africans of mostly Zulu heritage. The youth are surrounded by violence caused by disadvantaged circumstances, which include economic, racial and emotional damage inherited from the apartheid system. This group is referred to as ‘youth’ throughout this study as it examines the issues of violence in South Africa and how some young people are exploring solutions. Through an examination of literature and action research (AR) with participants from various programmes, this thesis investigates methods for improving the ability of Durban-based youth programmes to respond efficiently to the needs of youth as they endeavour to transform their communities. Following the identification of methods through focus group discussions, interviews and a review of literature, an action team was formed. This team consulted on which methods they wished to use for a collaborative peace project. They took what they learned from this process forward by sharing their experience with their respective empowerment programmes and by continuing to work together on an ongoing basis to bring their peace project to various other groups of children and youth throughout communities in Durban. The study concluded that when youth projects and programmes allow for youth to play a significant role in planning, action and reflection, whilst also receiving sufficient support from a mentor, they are empowered and the programmes are effective. The youth in this study began by discussing the issues surrounding them, brainstorming possible solutions and then designing a peace intervention in the form of a peace promotion performance. The performance was well received and the participants were empowered from the proactive roles they each played in preparing and delivering the performance. Through this transformational learning and service to the community, opportunities for youth to grow, mature and attain self-efficacy were nurtured. This process resulted in the further development of essential life-skills and positive values, and the youth participants learned to identify themselves with positive peers, mentors and purposeful activity. The action research also improved participants’ confidence, their desire to serve others and helped them to achieve a strong sense of positive endurance and strength to overcome the violence and negative influences around them. This peace project allowed the team members to make meaningful contributions to their community and inspired other youth by modelling peace in action. / M