This volume critically examines what happens when war formally ends, the difficult and complex challenges and opportunities for winning the peace and reconciling divided communities. By reviewing a case study of the West African state of Sierra Leone, potential lessons for other parts of the world can be gained. Sierra Leone has emerged as a 'successful' model of liberal peacebuilding that is now popularly advertised and promoted by the international community as a powerful example of a country that they finally got right. Concerns about how successful a model Sierra Leone actually is, are outlined in this project. As such this volume: provides a critical understanding of the nature, dynamics and complexity of post-war peacebuilding and development from an internal perspective; critically assesses the role and contribution of the international community to state reconstruction and post-war peacebuilding and evaluates what happens when war ends; and explores the potential relevance and impact of comparative international efforts of post-war state building and reconstruction in other parts of Africa and the world. The collection focuses not only on understanding the root causes of conflict but also identifying and appreciating the possibilities and opportunities for peace. The lessons found in this book resonate well beyond the borders of Sierra Leone and Africa in general.

This thesis explores the relationship between international war crimes tribunals and peacebuilding in post-conflict societies. The aim of the present study was to examine how the role and function of international tribunals has changed since the establishment of the Nuremberg tribunal in the early years after World War II. Due to the evolving nature of international law and the international criminal legal system, international tribunals have become increasingly recognized as an integral component of peacebuilding processes in the aftermath of conflict. As the first international tribunal mandated to restore international peace and security, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) set a new precedent for international tribunals. Beginning with its establishment, there appeared to be a new trend of using international judicial mechanisms to promote peace and reconciliation in the aftermath of conflict. One important element of change was the increased tendency of international tribunals to engage in public outreach and help build the capacity of national justice sector institutions. As the first international tribunal to succeed the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals and the first UN tribunal of its kind, the ICTY has shown the extent to which international tribunals facilitate societal reconciliation is, and will be, understood within the context of the legacies they leave behind. Institutions such as the ICTY will not be judged solely on the merits of the ideals on which they were established, but instead on their concrete successes in the domestic arena and their ability to fortify domestic judicial capacity.

This dissertation explores the relationship between peacebuilding, theory and praxis, and women. It examines the impact that peacebuilding has on women and the ways in which women participate in peacebuilding, both during conflicts and in the period of transformation that follows. In this dissertation I argue that women are profoundly affected by conflict and are crucial to peacebuilding and post-conflict transformation. This dissertation seeks to make a contribution to our understanding of how peacebuilding and post-conflict transformation impacts on women. The dissertation includes a study of Bougainville. The ten year civil war which began in 1989 ended in 1998 with a formal ceasefire and was followed by the Bougainville Peace Agreement in 2001. It was the role that women played throughout the conflict which has been widely cited in the literature that is of most interest to me. Bougainvillean women have been credited as being the motivating force behind the peace process during the war, in the lead up to the ceasefire and peace agreement, and an integral part of the post- conflict transformation of Bougainville. Many suggest that one explanation for this is because Bougainville is mostly a matrilineal society. Although some literature suggests matrilineality is restricted to lineage and land, this dissertation contends that matrilineality in Bougainville gave women substantive power and authority over most aspects of society. With some exceptions, the literature on peacebuilding is relatively recent, galvanized by Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s An Agenda for Peace (1992). A more historical body of literature postulates an enduring relationship between women and peace. These two bodies of literature provide the context for this dissertation. The literature that directly frames the argument of this dissertation is the feminist literature on women and peacebuilding. This literature proposes that the conflict and its aftermath are profoundly gendered phenomena. Birgitte Sorensen’s 1998 report, Women and Post-conflict Reconstruction: Issues and Sources, categorises peacebuilding into the areas of political, economic and social and critically examines the impacts of each of these areas of peacebuilding from the perspective of women. This report provides an excellent framework for this study. I use Sorensen’s model but have extended it to include a fourth category on postconflict justice to explore how issues related to women and justice are addressed. I do this because there are a number of issues related to women and post-conflict justice that need to be explored in greater detail, such as women’s access to land and gendered violence. This dissertation examines how each area of peacebuilding impacts on women, and how women and men participate in these areas of peacebuilding. This approach provides the structure of the dissertation. This dissertation concurs with the proposition that conflict and its aftermath are profoundly gendered. Even in the matrilineal society of Bougainville where women enjoy relatively high status, conflict has its disempowering effects on women. Peacebuilding adds new dimensions to the power of women and their disempowerment. In relation to political peacebuilding, there is an uneasy hybrid system of authority in Bougainville as the people of Bougainville attempt to retain some of their traditions in the newly constructed Western models of governance. The evidence is clear that women are under-represented in the introduced Western institutions. Over time, these institutions accumulate more of the power and authority. Within the economy, women are, as ever, the producers. In the past women’s ownership and control of land gave them control over the labour of men (in some parts of Bougainville), but the ending of the conflict has opened up new spaces for men to control land. Nihilistic spaces have emerged where once there was fighting. The shape of the new Bougainvillean economy is by no means clear, but there are disturbing signs that women will not be accorded their due as producers within society. Much of the feminist literature on peacebuilding points to the fact that women’s work in peacebuilding is unseen in mending the torn social fabric of post-conflict society. This dissertation confirms that hypothesis. This is where the women in Bougainville have managed to retain their traditional matrilineal strength as carers and healers of the social body. However they face new problems in relation to land and in relation to the escalation of domestic violence. They also face ongoing problems of how to heal and remedy the trauma of what was simultaneously a struggle for independence and a civil war. Matrilineality has protected Bougainvillean women from some of the traumas of war. The children of women raped during the conflict are welcomed into their matrilineal clan and women are able to exercise considerable authority within their communities. Nonetheless, it is a profoundly disturbing finding of this dissertation that peacebuilding in Bougainville may itself be setting boundaries around the power and authority of women in matrilineal Bougainville. Bougainvillean women may yet need to contend with men for their rightful place in the new society.

This thesis examines civil society, political space, and peacebuilding in post-war Burundi by critically engaging with international discourses and considering the extent to which they reflect the experiences and perspectives of activists on the ground. It is based on qualitative research with civil society groups and the individuals that work for them in Burundi. Fieldwork took place over five months between July 2014 and April 2015. This was a period of crisis in which civil society faced mounting restrictions, from the introduction of legislation that banned public gatherings, to the harassment and intimidation of prominent activists. The thesis analyses the extent to which civil society groups were able to navigate these constraints to create and maintain spaces for peace that transform dominant social norms which produce violence and repression. It also considers the factors that frustrated these efforts, from the sustained influence of past violence and trauma, to the climate of fear and uncertainty that emerged following the 2015 elections, and the divisive elite politics that continues to disrupt everyday peace in Burundi. It finds that emerging policy discourses on political space fail to engage with the historical, political, and discursive nature of government restrictions in Burundi, and the temporal and relational dimensions of violence, especially the ways in which it shapes the everyday lives of activists and their ability to challenge the institutions and structures within which violence is reproduced. The research situates these experiences in historical context – a process that enables it to consider broader questions about the evolution of civil society and the extent to which it becomes embedded in post-conflict contexts once international funding and attention decreases and external peacebuilding activities conclude. Civil society groups in Burundi received significant support from the international community in the post-war years, yet increasing restrictions suggest that the Burundian government has not accepted the presence of certain organisations which it views as a threat to its political authority and legitimacy. This leads the thesis to argue that curbs on civil society should be seen as part of a broader pattern of resistance to international peacebuilding in Burundi.

Ce travail examine la participation des diasporas à la transformation des conflits dans le pays d’origine, en particulier celle qui prend la forme d'engagement dans les travaux de mémoire. Il explore le rôle des diasporas dans les batailles mnémoniques en jeu dans les processus de transformation du conflit dans le pays d'origine, et revisite donc la triade «artisans de paix - saboteurs - neutres» propre aux analyses de conflit. Cette recherche examine les diverses batailles de mémoire existantes entre les individus et les groupements et qui renvoient aux différentes vagues migratoires et classes sociales, ainsi qu’aux diverses histoires d'activisme politique transnational. Ce travail évalue la relation entre l'Etat d'origine et sa population à l'étranger. Ainsi, il examine les manières de (ré)imaginer, de verbaliser et de mettre en œuvre les notions de «patrie», de «retour» et de «bon citoyen» pour les populations à l'étranger, qui cadrent les processus de production d’un comportement spécifique visant à garantir la prospérité et la sécurité du pays d'origine. En outre, cette étude examine la réceptivité du pays d’origine à la (ré)incorporation des souvenirs diasporiques dans le récit négocié à construire dans le cadre d’un processus de transition à l'issue d'un conflit. Cette recherche se base sur des données obtenues grâce à des travaux de terrain comprenant l’observation participante des activités associatives et consulaires, la collecte de témoignages oraux des membres des associations de migrants colombiens à Paris, New York, DC et Boston, ainsi que sur des sources primaires rassemblées dans les archives du Congrès colombien et du MAE à Bogota (COL). / This work delves into diaspora participation in conflict transformation in the homeland, in particular that which takes the form of engagement in memory works. It explores the role of diasporas in the mnemonic battles at play within a process of conflict transformation in the country of origin, thus revisiting the “peace-makers ― spoilers ― neutrals” triad that traditionally categorizes diaspora participation in homeland conflicts.This research examines the diverse mnemonic struggles among individuals and groupings pertaining to different migratory waves, social classes, and with different histories of transnational political activism.This study assesses the relationship between a sending state and its population abroad. Hence,it looks at the modes of (re)imagining, verbalizing, and enacting of the notions of ‘home’, ‘return’ and ‘good national’, for populations abroad, as part of state-led subject-making processes aiming at producing a specific behaviour that will guarantee the prosperity and security of the country of origin. Also, the study addresses homeland responsiveness to (re)incorporating diasporic memories into the negotiated narrative to be constructed as part of the process of coming to terms with mass violence and the transition out of conflict. The research is based on data obtained through fieldwork encompassing participant observation of associational and consular activities, the collection of oral testimonies from members of Colombian migrants’ associations in Paris and in the New York City – DC - Boston line, as well as on written sources compiled in the Depository of Congress and the archives of the Colombian MFA in Bogota.

This is a PhD by practice in Transdisciplinary Documentary Film. The submission consists of a 64-minute documentary film and a 32,574 word thesis. The main period of fieldwork and filming was conducted in 2010 in Syria and the editing and subsequent research were conducted during 2011/12, after the current Syrian uprisings and conflict began. The documentary portrays two very different experiences of life in the restricted world of authoritarian Syria. Boutrus, a Christian monk in Mar Musa monastery, seeks to achieve change through his religious activities, whilst Salem, an Iraqi refugee living in Damascus, begins to find life in exile intolerable. Through creating an intimate portrait of such diverse yet related lives the documentary seeks to contribute to the praxis of peacebuilding through the creation of new understandings of the possibilities for agency and identity within the constraints of Syrian authoritarianism in 2010. Whilst the praxis of peacebuilding and creative documentary filmmaking are the principal methods of research, the written thesis also touches upon the cognate fields of social and visual anthropology, political science, refugee studies and media studies. Exploring the theme of political agency within the Syrian setting, the thesis raises issues concerning political visibility and creative documentary practice as they relate to the challenges of peacebuilding analysis and research. In Chapter one, the role of practice-based research and my own particular approach to creative documentary filmmaking are discussed. Chapter two considers the Syrian socio-political context and the utility of the concepts of the state, power and identity for peacebuilding research. Chapter three examines the relationship between religion and the state in Syria and their connections to civil society, with a focus on the work of Mar Musa. Chapter four explores the case of Iraqi refugees in Syria by focusing on Salem’s life and predicament. In the final chapter I build upon the arguments in the preceding chapters, drawing out conclusions on the relationship between documentary practice, peacebuilding and the evolving Syrian context.

Les approches internationales en matière de paix et de réconciliation ont beaucoup évolué depuis le début des années 2000, en tentant d’inclure notamment de plus en plus le niveau local dans le but de favoriser l’appropriation des processus de paix et de réconciliation suite à un conflit interne. Or, ces nouvelles approches théoriques proposent des pistes de solutions sans même avoir consulté les populations locales afin d’identifier leurs besoins en matière de paix et de réconciliation, et sans avoir développé une meilleure compréhension des relations et des interactions locales en période post-conflit. Cette recherche se base sur une étude ethnologique réalisée dans la municipalité de Julcamarca, au Pérou, afin de déterminer quels sont les processus nécessaires dans une communauté ayant été affectée par un conflit interne – entre 1980 et 2000 – pour retrouver la paix et atteindre la réconciliation. Les éléments découverts lors de la recherche, basés sur les définitions locales de paix et de réconciliation plutôt que sur les concepts occidentaux plus souvent utilisés, permettent par la suite une analyse des résultats locaux en matière de paix et de réconciliation, comparativement aux débats théoriques de la 4e génération de pensées en construction de la paix en relations internationales.

The concept of peacebuilding evokes the image of international interventions in countries emerging from civil wars. Despite the visibility of this engagement, post-civil war peacebuilding is just one form of peacebuilding. As a response to smaller scale violent conflicts, ongoing peacebuilding interrupts cycles of violence and prevents the escalation of violent conflict. The 2007/8 post-election violence in Kenya captured international attention due to the scope and magnitude of the conflict. In 1992 and 1997, Kenya had experienced lower levels of electoral violence. The recurring and escalatory nature of violent conflict implies that peacebuilding should be a strategic response, earlier on, to prevent violence from reaching new levels. Since 2002, the Kenyan state has actively engaged in peacebuilding. This study on state-led peacebuilding in Kenya deviates from the typical post-war interventions to analyse peacebuilding as an ongoing preventative response by national actors to intermittent violence. This thesis seeks to explain the impact of this state-led peacebuilding approach on the practice and prospect of peace. To do so, I first explore the multiple conceptions of peace held by those engaged in this approach to understand what type of peace is being built. Second, I analyse the paradox of the state in peacebuilding and how the role of the state has influenced the nature of peacebuilding and consequently the prospects for peace. The state in peacebuilding presents a paradox because of the state’s direct and indirect involvement in violent conflict as well as the top-down nature of state engagement. Third, I interrogate the relationship between the institutionalisation of peacebuilding and the sustainability of peacebuilding and peace. I find that state-led peacebuilding in Kenya has raised the profile of peacebuilding, improved the synergy between peacebuilding actors and increased the inflow of resources available to build peace. This positive influence is countered by the negative implications of the state’s role in promoting a reductive conceptualisation of peace and unsustainably institutionalising peace building. I conclude that, though the state has a role to play in peacebuilding, the contradictory implications of state-led peacebuilding challenge the sustainability of peacebuilding and peace.

This thesis studies an island of civility embedded in an ethos of conflict, focusing on a shared society peacebuilding initiative between Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel. Undertaken in close partnership with the NGO Hand in Hand: The Centre for Bilingual Jewish-Arab Education in Israel using a semi-participatory approach, this research describes the evolution of Hand in Hand from a small grassroots organization to a multimillion-dollar NGO. Drawing on survey data (n = 107), personal interviews (n = 25), and key insights from a four-month ethnography, this dissertation analyzes the social change function of Hand in Hand, ordinary citizens’ motivations for enrolling their children in bilingual (Hebrew/Arabic) schools, and the drivers and barriers for attending peacebuilding activities for adults.

While cultural anthropology has a well-established tradition of studying armed conflict and postconflict societies, its consideration of morality in this context has hitherto been granted a tangential, rather than central role. Addressing this gap, the present thesis draws on qualitative data collected during four weeks of fieldwork carried out in the rural inland of Colombia’s Urabá region between June and July of 2018 to explore the ways in which morality is locally constructed in communities afflicted by a history of armed violence and rebel governance. Relying on the informal nature of networks and social relations identified by extant anthropological research, it develops an inductive analytical framework intended to examine the moral dimension of life in conflict-affected communities. More specifically, it explores how communities come to construct and share a moral framework passible of sustaining cooperative and interdependent relationships in light of the strain that protracted armed violence exertson social relationships and institutions. The obtained results highlight the existence of a binding sense of ‘moral intimacy’, which stems from the collective awareness of the contextual pressures that shape people’s moral judgments and often narrow the scope of personal agency. Individual morality and the constant challenges posed to it by life in conflict-afflicted areas are found to converge into a particularly adapted ‘extra-ordinary situational ethics of conflict’, characterized by ambiguity and mistrust, but also by tolerance and understanding for other people’s—and one’s own—moral shortcomings. Finally, the role of moral leaders is explored and differentiated with respect to its relation to the above-mentioned extra-ordinary situational ethics of conflict. The figure of ‘moral moderator’ is proposed in order to describe the articulating role of central figures that serve as reference points for the informal ethics that arise in surroundings characterized by pervasive and protracted violence. Overall, this thesis sheds light on the peculiar nature of morality in conflict-afflicted societies, and provides an empirical and theoretical contribution to its future systematic study.