Current scholarship on migrant sex work warns us to avoid viewing female migrant sex workers as either passive "victims" of male dominated trafficking schemes or ruthless villains who chose prostitution and illegal migration. This thesis concentrates on the print media in two democratic states, Canada and the United Kingdom in order to investigate how the public is being educated on migrant sex work. Specifically, this thesis analyzes representations of female migrant sex workers in news articles published by the British newspaper The Guardian, and the Canadian newspaper The Globe and Mail . A total of 100 articles are selected by keyword search from the years 2000-2008. They are analyzed by using frame analysis. Overall, this thesis concludes that the audiences of The Globe and Mail and The Guardian are provided with a partial account of who migrant sex workers are and how or why they end up in the sex trade.

Although many theoreticians have posited that cognitions concerning self, children, and other adults play a central role in the etiology and maintenance of child sexual abuse, knowledge in the area remains incomplete due, in part, to reliance on self-report measures, which are generally restricted to consciously accessible thoughts and susceptible to presentation bias. In the current study, the primary goal was to test for the existence of differences between the cognitions of child molesters and non-molesters using an implicit measure called the Implicit Association Test (IAT). To that end, 6 IATs were designed to measure the domains of evaluation, social power, and sexual attractiveness in self and in children (relative to adults). Participants were incarcerated men who had either been convicted of sexual offences against extrafamilial children under 14 years of age (N = 30) or who had not admitted to, been charged with, or been convicted of any sexual offences ( N = 31). As expected, child molesters viewed children (relative to adults) as significantly more sexually attractive than did the non-sex offenders, as measured by the sexy child IAT. Among the child molesters, a greater number of sexual offences was significantly associated with a view of self as less powerful and less sexually attractive, as measured, respectively, by the powerful self IAT and the sexy self IAT. These results remained even after a number of potential confounding variables were statistically or otherwise controlled. Although only partial support for the hypotheses was found, this study demonstrated that the IAT has much promise as a tool with which to study cognitions associated with child sexual abuse.

Lack of employment has been identified as a contributing factor to criminal behaviour (Andrews & Bonta, 2003). Canadian Correctional Services have responded accordingly through the provision of interventions directed toward addressing offender needs as they relate to employment issues. Nonetheless, critics have argued that intervention efforts are still largely based on the principles of risk reduction, with limited attention given to a theoretically integrated view of the rehabilitation process. Ward and Stewart (2003) proposed a "Good Lives" model of rehabilitation in hopes of moving toward an enhancement model rather than a strictly harm avoidance model. "Good lives" (Ward & Stewart, 2003) are referred to as methods of living that are beneficial and fulfilling for individuals, and it is argued that any conception of a possible "good life" should take note of an offender's capabilities, temperament, interests, skills, values and support networks. The current research operationalized a 'good lives' model by exploring the theoretical construct of vocational congruence as a protective factor, leading to greater success within correctional environments and upon release in the community. Two studies explored the relevance of Holland's theory of vocational personalities and work environments (1997) for offender populations. The first study examined the validity of Holland's RIASEC Structure for a convenience sample of 305 federally sentenced offenders. Three RIASEC models (i.e., Holland, 1997; Gati, 1982; Round & Tracey, 1996) were also examined in Study I. Results indicated that two of these models are valid for an offender population. The second study examined Holland's theory of vocational congruence (1997) with a convenience sample of 304 federally sentenced offenders. Results revealed minimal support for the statistical significance of vocational congruence for this sample of offenders. Nevertheless, post-hoc analyses showed interesting differences for Aboriginal and women offenders, as well as offenders over 30 years of age. Furthermore, vocational congruence emerged as a significant factor in predicting time to recidivism. The role of behavioural adaptability and relevance of career counselling are introduced. Theoretical and operational implications, as well as implications for the 'Good Lives' model are discussed. The author argues for the value of continued research regarding Holland's RIASEC typology and vocational congruence with offender populations.

Cette recherche porte sur une étude de cas, à savoir la création de la loi contre la torture au Brésil, processus achève en 1997. L'intérêt que suscite ce processus vient de l'observation que le système politique, lors de la production de lois criminelles, actualise les mêmes idées sur les peines que celles actualisées par le système de justice criminelle. L'ensemble des ces idées va former, à partir du XVILle siècle, un "système" appelé par Alvaro Pires: la rationalité pénale moderne. Ce système d'idées communique, entre autres, une valorisation des peines d'exclusion sociale (prison) comme la seule réponse que l'État peut donner à certaines violations. À partir des documents et des entretiens réalisés auprès des politiciens et des militants des droits de la personne, la recherche explore en détail les étapes de la création de la loi: d'abord, la présentation du projet de loi qui a mis en branle tout le processus législatif conduisant à l'adoption de la loi actuelle contre la torture; ensuite, les discussions sur ledit projet de loi dans les commissions thématiques tant à la Chambre des députés qu'au Sénat et, enfin, les amendements suggérés par les députés et les sénateurs ainsi que les débats parlementaires dans les sessions plénières des deux Chambres. La recherche se penche aussi sur les réactions des médias et de la doctrine juridique à l'égard de la décision de créer ladite loi et sur la façon dont ces réactions stimulent ou imposent des limites à la reproduction des idées de la "rationalité pénale moderne" par le système politique. Il y a deux questions que cette recherche a explorées en particulier. La première concerne la définition de la position "politique" quant aux peines à partir de la distinction "conservateurs/progressistes". La deuxième a trait à la représentation par le système politique de la relation entre la sanction criminelle et la protection des droits de la personne. La recherche aborde les façons variées dont ce système conçoit le rôle du droit criminel et de la peine face aux droits de la personne et dans quel sens ces représentations peuvent "nourrir" la reproduction du même système répressif qui domine en Occident depuis presque deux siècles.

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