論文(碩士)--香港中文大學,1970. / Ms. / Includes bibliographical references. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang zhong wen da xue. / 序論 / Chapter 第一章 --- 十七世紀初葉菲島兩次慘殺華人 / Chapter 甲 --- 一六○三年之慘殺華人案 / Chapter 乙 --- 一六三九年第二次慘殺華人案 / Chapter 第二章 --- 十七世紀前半期之中菲貿易 / Chapter 甲 --- 中菲貿易之背景 / Chapter 乙 --- 十七世紀前半期中菲貿易之概況 / Chapter 丙 --- 馬尼剌之大帆船貿易 / Chapter 丁 --- 白銀之流入中國 / Chapter 第三章 --- 十七世紀前半期菲政府所頒有關華人法案 / Chapter 甲 --- 限制華人在菲島居留數目之法令 / Chapter 乙 --- 華人之賦稅 / Chapter 丙 --- 十七世紀前半期菲政府頒佈保護華人之法案 / 結論 / 參考書目 / 附圖表： / Chapter 圖一： --- 華人進軍路線圖 --- p.55 / Chapter 圖二： --- 華人撤退路線圖 --- p.56 / Chapter 圖三： --- 菲律賓全圖 --- p.83 / Chapter 圖四： --- 華人起事地點圖 --- p.112 / Chapter 表一： --- 一六○四─一六三八年間留莓華人數目 --- p.79-80 / Chapter 表二： --- 一六○六─一六一八年間華商繳付之貨物入口稅 --- p.150 / Chapter 表三： --- 一六一九─一六三一年間華葡商人繳付之貨物入口稅 --- p.151 / Chapter 表四： --- 十七世紀前半期馬尼剌每年入口船隻 --- p.153-154 / Chapter 表五： --- 十七世紀前半期馬尼剌每年平徵收之貨物入口稅 --- p.155 / Chapter 表六`： --- 一六一一─一六五○年間華人每年平均繳付之居留稅 --- p.187

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“soft power is the ability to get what a country wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment.” - Joseph S. Nye Jr. From Nye’s original soft power idea, the term now has been increasingly attached to China’s conduct of its diplomacy in various parts of the globe from Southeast Asia to Africa and South America. This research examines China’s soft power in Southeast Asia and its effectiveness relative to the pursuit and advancement of the country’s regional objectives and aspirations. The primary consideration here would be the US approach towards the region and how, if any, this has affected Southeast Asian governments’ reception and perception of China’s drive for increased influence and potential domination of regional affairs. Striking a comparison between Beijing’s standing in Southeast Asia before and after its soft power application would likely provide a logical explanation on the effectiveness of its intensified diplomacy in attracting regional countries. Also of particular importance to this research would be the US policy towards the region and the underlying rationale behind its stance, as well as Southeast Asia’s attitude regarding Washington’s regional approach. Undoubtedly, America’s image in the region has been tainted by the previous governments’ missteps and unpopular actions, but there is no denying that Southeast Asian governments still rely on the US military apparatus for regional stability and security. This has been made more complex by China’s growing penetration in Southeast Asia, but might as well provide enough reason for the US to engage Southeast Asia a lot more. Knowing the political, economic and historical correlation of individual regional countries vis-à-vis the US and China might shed some light as to their mindset relative to the competition of these two external powers for increased influence in Southeast Asia. Being the US’ most reliable ally in Southeast Asia, the Philippines offers the most compelling case for this study. How the Philippines react, and what other factors influence its behavior, as far its relations with both the US and China provides some relevant information in the overall calculation of Beijing’s attractiveness among regional countries. Particularly relevant to this estimation is determining China’s rationale behind its goal of attaining unparalleled relations with the Philippines as well as Manila’s motivation in reciprocating Beijing’s offer of friendship. Equally important is the evolution of the Philippine-US relations and what drives these two countries to reinvigorate their security partnership, previously the cornerstone of American military supremacy in Southeast Asia, amid China’s charm offensive. In the end, this study finds that it appears that the Philippines’ strategy vis-à-vis its relations with both the US and China has been to secure the best possible concessions from both countries while playing a delicate balancing game to accommodate their intensified competition for influence in the country. Although there have been remarkable improvement in relations between the Philippines and China, privately Manila is still uneasy with the potential security repercussions that Beijing’s rise might engender in the long run, especially with regards to their conflicting claims over the SCS. As it seems, the Philippines’ increased confidence in dealing with China can be rooted on its ability to keep the American military deeply engaged in the country. As has been notable in the Philippine experience, Southeast Asia appeared determined to sustain the power equilibrium with regards to external powers, and all indications point to China as the concentration of this strategy. The ASEAN recognized that Beijing’s soft power has already put it in a position to compete with Washington for increased influence in the region. Southeast Asia wants to accommodate this, but judged that it would be safer to include other powers in the equation to ensure that the ASEAN still has control in managing these powers’ engagement. Having said this, while there is no doubt that China’s soft power has served its regional purpose well, Southeast Asia’s desire to sustain the regional balance of power, apparently with the US still at the top, would continue to put some limits to Beijing’s charm offensive in the region.

This thesis tracks the politics of migrant remittances in the Philippines through an analysis of established possibilities and entrenched interests in the banking sector. Paying attention to banking sector narratives about the ‘migrant market’, I argue that remittances to the Philippines enter into an established economic space that is constituted by discourse, by history (especially the history of financial sector liberalization), and by ongoing practices of risk management and efforts at financial inclusion. At the same time, I gesture towards sites of “a politics of becoming” (Gibson-Graham 2006, 24), from which emerge potentially path-breaking economic discourse, subjectivity, and collective action in relation to remittance practice.

This thesis tracks the politics of migrant remittances in the Philippines through an analysis of established possibilities and entrenched interests in the banking sector. Paying attention to banking sector narratives about the ‘migrant market’, I argue that remittances to the Philippines enter into an established economic space that is constituted by discourse, by history (especially the history of financial sector liberalization), and by ongoing practices of risk management and efforts at financial inclusion. At the same time, I gesture towards sites of “a politics of becoming” (Gibson-Graham 2006, 24), from which emerge potentially path-breaking economic discourse, subjectivity, and collective action in relation to remittance practice.

¡§¡Kcommerce and manufactures gradually introduced order and good government and with them, the liberty and security of individuals, among the inhabitants of the country, who had before lived in a continual state of war with their neighbors, and of servile dependency upon their superiors. This though the least observe is by far the most important of all their effects.¡¨ Adam Smith in his classic ¡§Wealth of Nations¡¨ amply sets the tone of this paper on China-ASEAN relations. Significant domestic developments in individual Southeast Asian states have brought about new political, economic and social challenges that necessarily impact on the stability of the entire region. In general, Southeast Asia remains beset with widening economic and social inequities, unresolved political conflicts as well as growing ethnic tensions, compounded by threats of terrorism and other transnational crimes. At the same time, however, Southeast Asian nations have moved toward greater cooperation under the ASEAN. The researcher¡¦s motivation for undertaking this research topic is due to the fact that China-ASEAN economic relations is an area of considerable yet remains poorly understood, it was very fitting for her to embark into a study that will take a closer look of the evolving relations and implications to the Philippines since the researcher is a citizen of the country which is an original charter member of the ASEAN. The study was an assessment of the China-ASEAN cooperation and its implications to the Philippines. The paper is preceded by a hypothesis that¡X¡§The better the level of relationship is between China and the ASEAN as a regional block, the better the chances for China and the Philippines to enhance not only its traditional relationship in bilateral trade and investments, but also the more contentious issue of amicably resolving the South China Sea conflict, more specifically, the Kalayaan Group of Islands or Spratlys.¡¨ The researcher used both descriptive and analytical approach for the study. The three data sources of the study were document analyses, interview of key informants and focused group discussions. The inputs were taken from the results of the document analyses and the interview of key informants. The China-ASEAN relations are characterized as economic cooperation at first hand. Such relationship has evolved through the years from economic to other non-traditional areas of cooperation like security and conflict resolutions. Joint agreements are signed between ASEAN member states and China with regard to increased trade and settlement of political issues and disputes. The Philippines as a member state was able to optimize its gains in the China-ASEAN relations with the increase in bilateral trade and investments. Undoubtedly the subsequent deepening of engagement between China and the Philippines is mutually beneficial to the two countries national interests.

This thesis evaluates the comparison between China¡¦s Township and Village Enterprises (TVEs) and Philippines¡¦ Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs). TVEs and SMEs are considered ¡§economic equity¡¨ programs of the two countries that serve both as a fiscalizer of the adverse effects of rapid urbanization and as poverty alleviation industry, more specifically in the rural areas. Both economic equities play an important role in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) contribution and employment rate. Although the two countries differ in some aspects, the author compared two regions from each country, namely Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region in China and SOCSKSARGEN Region in the Philippines, to situate the shared commonalities and differences that may affect their economic performance. From the data gathered, the research proceeded to evaluate the reasons for the slow growth of SMEs in the Philippines as compared with the TVEs in Mainland China. The rural industrialization was viewed from the perspective of three important factors: societal, economic, and government policy support. After examining these three factors, China¡¦s TVEs proved to be successful because all the three factors have been favorable to them. On the Philippines¡¦ side, despite all the government support and economic opportunities attendant to it such as its richness in natural resources and good trade access to major foreign markets, there seemed to be sluggish economic growth brought about by societal factors like massive poverty in the rural areas, lack of skills and entrepreneurial capabilities, and other factors such as the prevalence of armed conflicts between the government and the various threat groups in some regions. Furthermore, this paper has driven home the point as exhaustively shown in the discussions in Chapter 4 that - ¡§the more successful China¡¦s TVEs and Philippines¡¦ SMEs are, the better for the rural development of the country¡¨. China has proven this after the 1978 reforms when in 1990 TVEs dramatically rose 13 times more from its 1979 level - that is from 1.4 million to 18.5million. This included other factors of growth like output value, employment and taxes remitted. While the features of the 1978 reforms - open door policy, decollectivization and decentralization, among others, were macro policies which fertiled the soil for rural industrialization in China, its TVEs growth was in a SULNAM (Spontaneous, Unorganized, Leaderless, Non-ideological, Apolitical Movement) phenomenon. Thus, it was more of societal and economic factors with the local government providing the policy support. Undeniably, it is one of the strong pillars of China¡¦s economic growth and social-equity considering that 800 million of the 1.3 billion population of China is in the countryside.

Texte remanié de: Tesis D.--Alicante--Universidad, 1998. / Bibliogr. p. 311-330.