Inaug.-Diss.--Münster. / Vita.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 1981. / Typescript. "Graduate Program in classics." Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 300-309).

Zugl.: Göttingen, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2007

Zugl.: Tübingen, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 2005

Flavius Philostratus was a Greek author working in the early third century CE, attached to a circle of philosophers and thinkers under the patronage of the Roman Empress Julia Domna. It is he who coined the term that we today use to describe this period in literary history-the Second Sophistic. While it was a time of startling literary productivity, it was also a time of increasing moral decline and confusion for the inhabitants of the Roman Empire. The old beliefs and morality of Graeco-Roman polytheism was fast becoming outmoded in the light of new developments coming out of the East and places like Palaestine in particular. Faiths like Christianity that placed the individual believer and his or her desire for salvation at the heart of the system were challenging the older Olympian style of religion, wherein the polis or city-state was all important. Add to this the growing influence of the cult worship of the Roman emperor and upheaval was the only foreseeable outcome, with not even the mas maiorum remaining intact as a moral compass for the average citizen. Flavius Philostratus struck out against this growing tide of moral and religious uncertainty by proposing a solution founded in religious fundamentalist tendencies. He could not do this in an obvious fashion, for fear not only of losing his imperial patroness, but pOSSibly also his life as well for speaking ill of emperor and empire. Instead, Philostratus pretends to submission, while at the very same time suggesting a return to the old ways of Graeco-Roman paganism when the needs of the many outweighed individual desires. He also suggests a way of counteracting the popularity of foreign individualized cults by regenerating the almost forgotten cult of the ancestors, with the hero-cult a particular focus. Indeed, Philostratus' approach addresses every possible concern that may have arisen in his imperial milieu, ranging from philosophy to politics to the rejection of the cult of the emperor. I have posited a theory of ancient religious fundamentalism as gleaned from the writings of Philostratus by envisioning a modified formulation of the twentieth century notion of religious fundamentalism itself. This new form removes fundamentalist dogma from its apparent reliance on a monotheistic faith and reconfigures it into a 'polyvalent' fundamentalism, wherein it is conceivable for an inhabitant of the Graeco-Roman world like Philostratus to have championed a variegated polytheistic belief system in the face of advancing Eastern influences and emperor worship, choosing to see Graeco-.Roman belief as a singular entity under threat. In an effort to conceal his beliefs from those who 111 might take offence at them, Philostratus makes use of a simulacrum for his ideals. This is the first century sage known as A pollonius of Tyana. My own approach to this idea has been twofold, with the first half being devoted to analysing the time and place in which Philostratus was working. I assess the literary tensions of the Second Sophistic itself and investigate how this may have impacted upon Philostratus' presentation of his argument I also look to the figure of Apollonius of Tyana, essential to the whole of the Philostratean fundamentalist 'project', and examine what changes Philostratus may have effected to the existing canon on Apollonius in order to make him useful to his fundamentalist perspective. The second half of my thesis involves the specific analysis of four of the works of Philostratus- the Vita Apollonii, Vitae Sophistarum, Heroikos, and Nero. Each is assessed in detail with respect to its representation of a specific aspect of Philostratus' beliefs. The Vita Apollonii presents Apollonius of Tyana as the paragon and champion of Philostratus' new belief system, teaching a Pythagorean way of life and personally reSisting Roman emperors like Domitian. The Vitae Sophistarum provides a catalogue of past sophists and offers up their behaviour as a guide for all good and wise men to follow, while the Nero presents Musonius Rufus as the archetypal philosopher battling imperial tyranny. Finally the Heroiiws is suggested as Philostratus' attempt at reinvigorating the cult of the ancestors as a means of providing an alternative individualized religious b•adition to ward off the encroaching Eastern mysteries. In all it is my contention that Flavius Philostratus deploys his sophistic talents in a manner reflective of his time, as a means of remedying Of, at the very least, positing a remedy, for the decline of belief and morality in the Roman Empire. He does this through four great literary works and chiefly through the figure of Apollonius of Tyana, his paragon and simulacrum. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

This thesis explores the anxieties and opportunities that attend fame and posterity in the second sophistic and how they play out in both literary and monumental expressions of cultural production. I consider how elite provincials in the Roman empire, who are competitive, bi- or even tri-cultural, status-driven, often politically active, and engaged in cultural production, attempt to construct a future presence for themselves either through the composition of literature that is aimed (at least in part) at the future or through efforts to write themselves into the landscape of their native or adopted cities. I argue that the cultural and temporal perspective of these men drives their multifarious, playful, and self-reflexive approach to the production of literature or monuments. For those men engaged in the ‘second sophistic’, in the narrower, Philostratean definition, there is an ever present tether on their creative efforts, in that for contemporary success they must immerse themselves in the culture of classical Athens; and the prominent practice of epideictic oratory, with its promotion of improvisation and lack of repetition, discourages the kind of literary effort that aims at eternity. At the same time, their attempts to build themselves into the hearts of cities is less restricted, in that those who possess or have access to sufficient wealth can grant elaborate benefactions which essentially stand as monuments to their financer. Nevertheless, their belated position with respect to the Greek literary canon and the heights of political and cultural prestige invested in classical Greece infuses the cultural efforts of the second sophistic with a sense of pathos that acknowledges the impossibility of creating and controlling one’s future reputation regardless of how much effort is applied. At the same time, this impossible position, rather than limiting them, endows these men with a varied, self-ironizing, intertextual, intermedial, and unique approach to cultural production that actively engages with the inescapable and laudable past in order to carve a lasting impression on the literary and physical landscape of the Roman empire.

J'ai complété l'étude du mythe des Danaïdes que j'ai effectuée au cours de mon premier Doctorat à l'Université d'Urbino. Mon travail a consisté dans l'analyse de ce mythe de l'époque archaïque à l'époque classique, traité plus ou moins longuement dans le Catalogue des femmes d'Hésiode, le poème argien Danais, la IXème Pythique et la Xème Néméenne de Pindare. Les Suppliantes d'Eschyle et le dithyrambe de Melanippide. Les Danaïdes sont des figures importantes, qui d'une part sont en relation avec l'utilisation rationnelle des eaux par le creusement de puits, d'autre part sont impliquées dans une histoire cruelle et sanglante. Les Danaïdes se sont échappées de leur patrie, l'Egypte, pour éviter un mariage avec leurs cousins, les fils d'Egyptos. Pourquoi les fuient-elles ? Une partie des critiques prétend qu'elles fuient l'inceste ; d'autres considèrent qu'elles ont horreur des Egyptiens parce qu'ils représentent la violence et la démesure ; un troisième groupe affirme qu'elles éprouvent de l'aversion pour tout mariage, quel qu'il soit. J'ai cherché à montrer que les Danaïdes, si l'on s'en tient aux sources archaïques ont fui les Egyptiens pour un motif dynastique, et que c'est Eschyle qui a mis l'accent sur le fait que le mariage doit être un acte fondé sur l'amour et un accord mutuel. Quoi qu'il en soit, quarante-huit Danaïdes ont tué leurs maris lors de la première nuit de noces. Seule Hypermnestre a épargné son époux Lyncée parce qu'elle est tombée amoureuse de lui. Selon certains auteurs, ses soeurs ont été purifiées par Athéna et Hermès et se sont remariées (le récit de leur second mariage se trouve dans la IXème Pythienne de Pindare et dans le Periegesis de Pausanias. De la seconde moitié du Vème siècle jusqu'à la première moitié du IVème siècle, les témoignages relatifs aux Danaïdes sont nombreux, à partir d'Aristophane, qui a écrit une comédie intitulée Danaïdes, à la suite d'une tragédie intitulée Lyncée, due à Théodecte, un auteur qui a vécu au IVème siècle av. J.-C. De ces deux textes nous n'avons que des fragments : quelques vers pour Aristophane, un résumé pour Théodecte. Beaucoup d'auteurs tragiques et comiques ont écrit des pièces intitulées Danaïdes : Callias, Timoclès, Diphilius, Chaerémon, mais nous n'en avons gardé que les titres ou quelques vers. Par le biais de l'analyse philologique mon travail a mis en évidence ce qui reste de ce patrimoine presque perdu. L'aspect le plus connu du mythe des Danaïdes (la punition de verser indéfiniment de l'eau d'un récipient dans un pithos percé), est presque inconnu dans la littérature classique jusqu'à la fin du deuxième siècle av. J.-C. : on en trouve la première mention littéraire dans le dialogue pseudo platonicien intitulé Axiochus. Cet aspect est bien mis en évidence dans le genre de la parémiographie : les héroïnes qui se trouvent aux Enfers, versent l'eau dans une jarre percée avec une petite passoire, ce qui est une façon de montrer l'inutilité de leur travail. Comment se sont-elles retrouvées aux Enfers ? Quel texte littéraire grec tragique ou comique a raconté cette histoire ? Aucun témoignage n'a subsisté, mais nous savons que souvent les proverbes grecs ont une dérivation littéraire. En conséquence, il est possible qu'une pièce ait été la source de cette histoire. J'ai envisagé de rechercher si tel ou tel proverbe a une origine populaire ou littéraire. Il existe en effet une autre série des proverbes liés à ce mythe des Danaïdes, à propos du triste sort des Egyptiens, proverbes dont l'antiquité est attestée. Mon travail a effectué un passage en revue et une analyse philologique de chacune des sources antiques qui ont traité des Danaïdes. D'autre part, j'ai souligné les modalités de formation du mythe et étudié sa réception à travers les différentes époques de la littérature et de la civilisation des Grecs. En résumé, pour la communauté d'Argos dans l'époque archaïque les Danaïdes furent des héroïnes cultuelles, liées à l'utilisation des eaux. / The purpose of my research is the myth of Danaïdes, women in the first wedding night have killed their husbands, son of Aegyptus. Why Danaïdes are murderers?According to the Argive mythology Danaïdes have killed their husbands for dynastic reasons, but Aeschylus Suppliant’s show that they have killed to escape the excesses and violence of their suitors. I have already studied this myth to race my first doctorate at the University of Urbino. Gold, with the University of Trento and Lille I want to pursue, based on testimony Aristophane, who wrote a comedy entitled Danaïdes to follow the tragedy Theodectes’s Lyncée, author lived in the fourth century BC. evidence they are fragmentary: we have only a few lines to Aristophane, the only summary for Theodectes. All this shows the great vitality of this myth, but the direct tradition makes us get too little! Other times, the Danaids became the subject of a proverb related to water. This aspect is very keen in the kind of parémiographie where the heroines are in hell: they're going to spill the water in a jar pierced with a small strainer, to demonstrate the futility of their travail. How the heroines are they finished in hell? Greek literary text which told this story? No evidence in respect of, but we know that the Greek proverbs often have a literary diversion. Τherefore is it possible that she was either lost the source for this story room? Μy research should investigate whether such a popular proverb or literary origin. We will say that there is another series of proverbs related to this myth Danaïdes, especially that tell the plight of Egyptian and are very ancient. In the first half of the fifth century they already have their canonical formulation, demonstration of their antiquity. Αἰγύπτου γάμος and Λέρνη κακῶν are, with respect, meaningful: the Greek, in utter such proverbs, want to denote evils and misfortunes endless.

Στόχος της παρούσας εργασίας είναι η εξέταση του δικτύου των σχέσεων, οι οποίες αναπτύσσονται εντός των σοφιστικών και φιλοσοφικών κύκλων που παρουσιάζονται σε δύο βιογραφικά corpora, στους Βίους Σοφιστῶν του Φιλοστράτου και στους Βίους Φιλοσόφων καὶ Σοφιστῶν του Ευναπίου, καθώς και του κεντρικού ρόλου που διαδραμάτισαν οι σχέσεις αυτές (κυρίως η σχέση δασκάλου και μαθητή) στη συγκρότηση των δύο συλλογών. Η μελέτη του δικτύου αυτών των σχέσεων στοχεύει στην ανάδειξη της μοναδικότητας των δύο συλλογών από άποψη δομής, η οποία καταδεικνύεται, επί παραδείγματι, από την ένταξη ορισμένων σοφιστών ή φιλοσόφων και τον αποκλεισμό άλλων. Ταυτόχρονα, διερευνάται πώς αυτές οι σχέσεις λειτουργούν ως μια βασική οργανωτική αρχή των Βίων και μας επιτρέπουν να διαμορφώσουμε μια σαφέστερη εικόνα για τη σοφιστική/φιλοσοφική ταυτότητα κατά την ελληνορωμαϊκή αυτοκρατορική περίοδο. Το πλέγμα σχέσεων που διαμορφώνεται ανάμεσα στους σοφιστές και τους φιλοσόφους, καθώς και ο τρόπος ταξινόμησής τους στα δύο βιογραφικά corpora μας επιτρέπουν να αναγνώσουμε τις συλλογές ως ρυθμιστικά, κανονιστικά κείμενα, τα οποία υπαγορεύουν και εξασφαλίζουν την επιβίωσή των βιογραφουμένων προσώπων για τις επόμενες γενιές. / The aim of this thesis is to examine the network of relationships developed among the sophists and the philosophers in two biographical corpora, Philostratus’ Lives of Sophists and Eunapius’ Lives of Philosophers and Sophists, as well as the pivotal role these relationships (especially those of master and student) played in the formation of the two collections. The study of the nexus of these relationships aims to demonstrate the structural singularity of these corpora, which is pointed, for instance, by the inclusion of certain sophists/philosophers and the exclusion of others; at the same time, these relationships are shown to constitute a major organizational principle of the Lives, allowing thus a sharper understanding of the sophistic/philosophical identity in the Graeco-Roman Imperial period. The two corpora are read as regulatory, canonistic texts, in the sense that they dictate and determine, to a great extent, the type of the biographised sophists and philosophers worth preserving for future generations.

In this thesis we explore the period of renewal that Athens experienced during the second century AD. This century saw Athens at the peak of her cultural prominence in the Roman Empire: the city was the centre of the League of the Panhellenion and hosted a vibrant sophistic scene that attracted orators from across the Greek world, developments which were ideologically fuelled by contemporary conceptions of Classical Athens. While this Athenian 'golden age' is a standard feature of scholarship on Greek culture under Rome, my thesis delves further to explore the renewal of the urban and rural landscapes at this time and the relationship between that process and constructions of Athenian identity. We approach the renewal of second-century Athens through four lenses: past and present in the Ilissos area; the rhetoric of the Panhellenion; elite conflict and competition; and the character of the Attic countryside. My central conclusions are as follows: 1. The renewal of Athens was effected chiefly by Hadrian and the Athenian elite and was modelled on an ideal Athenian past, strategically manipulated to suit present purpose; the attractions of the fifth-century golden age for this programme of renewal meant that politically contentious history of radical democracy and aggressive imperialism had to be safely rewritten. 2. Athens and Attica retained their uniquely integrated character in the second century. Rural Attica was the subject of a powerful sacro-idyllic ideology and played a vital role in concepts of Athenian identity, while simultaneously serving as a functional landscape of production and inhabitation. 3. The true socio-economic importance of the Attic countryside as a settled and productive landscape should be investigated without unduly privileging the limited evidence from survey, and by combining all available sources, both literary and documentary, with attention to their content, cultural context and ideological relevance.