Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T13:57:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 camila alessandra.pdf: 2430575 bytes, checksum: f1c24474a9ce09645208025c4718f4c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this dissertation was to understand the perceptions that young riverine dwellers in the interior of the state of Amazonas have of the surrounding urban and rural spaces. To reach this understanding we used semi-structured interviews with young people aged 15-25, based on the theoretical guidance of Phenomenology. Our goal was to identify the significance and the future projects that the young people in the Santa Luzia do Baixio Community attribute to these spaces, as well as reveal their feeling of belonging to the place they live. The place here is understood as the world of perceptions and experiences, comprehended through the subjectivity and culture. The Baixio is a riverine community, known mostly for maintaining their cultural values, based on cooperation and a close relationship with nature. We asked ourselves if there were modifications in their way of life resulting from the relationship with the city. We perceived that the youth are intimately linked to family ties and the culture that gave them their identity. However, their projects for the future include attending university, and migrating seems to be the only solution for those that see education as their only option for a better future. / Esta dissertação objetivou compreender as percepções que jovens ribeirinhos do interior do estado do Amazonas possuem dos espaços cidade e campo, os quais circulam. Para alcançarmos esse entendimento utilizamos da entrevista semiestruturada em jovens com idade entre 15 e 25 anos, a partir da orientação teórica da Fenomenologia. Nosso objetivo foi identificar quais os significados e projetos de futuro que os jovens da Comunidade Santa Luzia do Baixio atribuem a esses espaços, bem como desvelar o sentimento de pertença dos jovens com o lugar onde moram. O lugar aqui é entendido como mundo das percepções e experiências espaciais, compreendidas através da subjetividade e da cultura. O Baixio é uma comunidade ribeirinha, conhecida por manter seus valores culturais, baseados na cooperação e relação estreita com a natureza. Perguntamo-nos se existiam modificações no seu modo de vida decorrente da relação que mantêm com a cidade. Percebemos que os jovens estão intimamente ligados aos laços familiares e a cultura que lhes dão identidade. Porém, seus projetos para o futuro inclui cursar uma universidade e migrar parece ser a única solução para aqueles que veem nos estudos a única opção para um futuro melhor.

Cette étude se penche sur la façon dont le pouvoir politique se est imaginé et imagée dans le centre-ville de Nairobi. Il examine comment l'environnement bâti de la ville a transformé l'ubiquité en place-de-appartenance. Construit culture est considérée comme un outil (mais non exclusif) pour forger une relation entre la société et un contexte spatial donné; un support pour la société de «personnaliser» son espace. L'accent est mis bâtiments emblématiques situées dans l'espace central, public et symbolique et est en outre délimitée à leur style architectural. L'autorité politique, mais pas singulièrement responsables de l'identité collective, a été choisi comme point de départ, car sa contribution est décisive. Par conséquent, il est aussi un produit de la performance politique Nairobi est interrogé. Une exploration des connotations et les nuances des styles utilisés pour ériger ses bâtiments emblématiques possibles sont esquissées. Gouvernement colonial de Nairobi utilisé un style néo-classique. Kenyatta, le premier président indigène, se est éloigné de cette tradition néo-classique. Sa préférence était une déclaration stylisée-africaine. Et, en plus de choisir un style différent, il réorienté la dynamique spatiale dans City Square ainsi ré-articuler son identité. Pour un examen plus complet de Nairobi, elle est comparée à Dar es-Salaam (la capitale commerciale de la Tanzanie) voisin. Dar es Salaam dispose d'une plus grande variété dans les styles architecturaux: arabo-swahili, classique européenne avec des fonctionnalités omanais-arabes et les Sarrasins compositions décoratives. Pendant ce temps, la variété architecturale à Nairobi coloniale, où les Britanniques avaient plus de six décennies undisturbed- pour élaborer leur image, est carrément néo-classique. Présenté avec plus (ou moins) polarisée images coloniales, les présidents autochtones du Kenya et de la Tanzanie ont réagi différemment. L'image postcoloniale de Nairobi est ouvertement «africaine» peut-être une réponse au classicisme néo aussi manifeste des coloniaux. Dar es Salaam, d'autre part, est dépourvu de stridente de va-et-vient dans ses discours stylistiques. En conclusion, il semble que le plus fougueux du concours sous-jacente de posséder une ville, plus articuler son image spatiale; plus contesté un espace a été, le plus spectaculaire de l'image qu'il porte. Nairobi a connu un concours de propriété plus intense par rapport à Dar es-Salaam. Une concurrence intense nécessite un style architectural décisive tout pluralisme stylistique prospère où le concours est moins intense. Cela peut ne pas se applique à toutes les villes en Afrique, mais ce est la vue en gros plan, l'identité imagé dans l'espace central de Nairobi. / This study looks at how political power has imagined-and-imaged itself in Nairobi’s city centre. It examines how the city’s built environment has transformed ubiquity into place-of-belonging. Built culture is considered as a tool (though not an exclusive one) for forging a relation between society and a given spatial context; a medium for society to ‘personalise’ its space. The focus is iconic buildings sited in the central, public and symbolic space and is further delimited to their architectural style. Political authority, though not singularly responsible for collective identity, has been selected as the point of departure because its contribution is decisive. Therefore, it is as a product of political performance that Nairobi is interrogated. An exploration of possible connotations and nuances of the styles employed to erect its iconic buildings are sketched out. Nairobi’s colonial government used a neo classical style. Kenyatta, the first indigenous president, distanced himself from this neo-classical tradition. His preference was a stylised-African statement. And, in addition to selecting a different style he re-oriented the spatial dynamics in City Square thus re-articulating its identity. For a fuller scrutiny of Nairobi, it is compared to neighbouring Dar es Salaam (the commercial capital of Tanzania). Dar es Salaam features greater variety in architectural styles: Arab-Swahili, European classical with Omani-Arab features and the decorative saracenic compositions. Meanwhile, architectural variety in colonial Nairobi, where the British had over six decades–undisturbed– to craft their image, is bluntly neo-classical. Presented with more (or less) polarised colonial images, the indigenous presidents of Kenya and Tanzania reacted differently. Nairobi’s postcolonial image is overtly ‘african’ perhaps as a response to the equally overt neo classicism of the colonials. Dar es Salaam, on the other hand, is devoid of strident back-and-forth in its stylistic discourses. In conclusion, it appears the more spirited the underlying contest to own a city, the more articulate its spatial image; the more contested a space has been, the more spectacular the image it bears. Nairobi has experienced a more intense ownership contest compared to Dar es Salaam. Intense competition necessitates a decisive architectural style while stylistic pluralism thrives where the contest is less intense. This may not apply to all the cities in Africa but it is the close-up view, the imaged identity in Nairobi’s central space.