Police officers are frequently viewed as being unable to perform the duties assigned to them by society. Criticism has focused on inappropriate reaction to social unrest and an inability to control crime. Improving the selection process of police officers has been proposed as an appropriate means of improving police officer performance. The problem is how to improve the selection process to select individuals who will perform at the highest level. This study attempted to determine if personality traits of standout police officers, as measured by psychological tests, differ significantly from personality traits of recruit police officers. Considerable research in Oregon has been done on personality traits of police officers. The research has dealt with testing police officer applicants and recruit police officers. This study compared the psychological profile of police academy trainees with the psychological profile of standout police officers. The standout police officers were identified in a study by John Koroloff. The standard t test was used for a comparison of personality traits based on test scores from the Law Enforcement Assessment and Development Report (LEADR), the Psychopathic Deviate scale (PD) and the MacAndrew Alcoholism scale (MA) of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), and the Wonderlic Personnel Test. The LEADR consists of the 16 Personality Factors (16PF), the Clinical Analysis Questionnaire (CAQ), and second-order factors. A comparison was also made of the age difference between the two groups. The hypothesis that there is no statistically significant difference between the two groups was only partially supported. Statistically significant differences were found on the Intelligence, Low Energy Depression, Paranoia, Psychasthenia, Depression, and Psychoticism scales of the LEADR; on the Psychopathic Deviate and MacAndrew Alcoholism scales of the MMPI; and on the age difference. / Graduation date: 1992

Social scientists examining the police role have typically assumed that the individual police officer or department is relatively free to implement social policy as he/she or it sees fit. This assumption is reflected in many police studies which stress the importance of police chiefs, police discretion, and police personalities as being the decisive factors in police behavior. A more tenable approach to studying the police would be to examine police behavior in terms of the place of the police in class conflict. This approach would focus mainly on how conditions outside of police organizations have shaped police response. To date there have been few attempts to systematically collect and analyze data on the police role in any kind 0f class conflict. A potentially rich area of study involves the police response to the pitched battles fought between labor radicals and the dominant political and economic interests. Two key empirical issues in this area are: 1) What do the police do in times of worker rebellion and revolution? and 2) Why do they act the way that they do? These type of queries have rarely been subjected to critical examination. Such a task was undertaken in this dissertation. More specifically, this dissertation was an exploratory study of the response of the urban police to labor radicalism. The purposes of the inquiry were to develop a conceptual framework that allowed for a more precise examination of police response than is currently feasible and to apply the framework in a comparative analysis of the responses of the city police in Portland, Oregon and Seattle, Washington to radical labor unrest during the period of 1912-1920. An exploratory approach was necessary because the theoretical work pertaining to police response is not sufficiently developed yet to generate rigorous hypotheses for testing. Additionally, the literature on this subject is limited and widely spread about in articles and books in the fields of labor history, policy history, urban history, criminology and criminal justice; these studies have yet to be combined into a single conceptual scheme. Hence, it was imperative to first systematize the knowledge of the area and to formulate "working" propositions; this made it possible to then conduct a more definitive investigation of the cases of the Portland and Seattle police. The product of this approach is a dissertation in three main parts. In part one, a theoretical frarrework is explicated for the analysis of the police response to labor radicalism. The second part consists of an empirical study of the response of the Seattle and Portland police to the protest and unrest of labor radicals in 1912-1920. Finally, in the concluding section, the theoretical concepts and propositions in the first part of the dissertation are checked in terms of their applicability to the empirical data in the second part.

Serving in the capacity of Sheriff's interns during the time the decision had been made to implement Neighborhood Team Policing, the writers of this study propose to participate in evaluating the impact and effectiveness of the project. However, due to the size and complexity of such a task--and the time restrictions placed upon completion of this study--the boundaries of this research will be limited to those of providing descriptive data on the performance of project activities as they relate to the achievement of the objectives of Goal 1 of the Neighborhood Team Policing Project: Improved police-community mutual involvement and problem-solving.

In 1993, Charles Moose became Portland, Oregon's first black police chief. A nationally recognized student of the developing theories of community policing, Chief Moose's promotion was also hoped to help strengthen the diversity of the Portland Police Bureau. Ultimately, Portlanders were unable to look past Moose's public outbursts and demeanor and recognize his accomplishments. As a city, they missed an opportunity. This thesis uses transcripts of speeches and policy papers to present some political history to the reader, but also letters to the mayor's office, letters to the editor and the like to consider the social history of 1990's Portland. Some specific touchpoints of Moose's administration are considered, including when he and his wife Sandy moved to the King Neighborhood, the Daniel Binns birthday party and the resulting march on Moose's home, his outburst at the City Council, and other examples of his legendary anger. Moose's role in gentrification, and the policies he created for the Portland Police Bureau to lead that charge will not be ignored. All the while, the context of Oregon's racist heritage is forefront in this paper. By 1999, Charles Moose had left the bureau and accepted a job in Maryland. He was selected for many of the accomplishments that the Portland public had criticized him for. Ultimately, this study will show that Portland missed an opportunity to discuss how they wanted to be policed, and what philosophies they wanted their enforcers to personify.