This thesis explores the history of Mounted Police and Cree relations on two Saskatchewan Reserves: Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation in the north-east of the province, and Poundmaker Cree Nation in the central south-western portion of Saskatchewan.<p> Sources include oral interviews of elders from each reserve as well as a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, including the Royal Canadian Mounted Police records.<p> One of the main goals of this thesis is to present a Cree perspective on contact and interaction with the Mounted Police. Although police policies were supposedly the same towards all Indians, specific elements of the Mounted Police dealings were altered according to a variety of external influences. For example, different environmental features from one region to the other prohibited the adoption of agriculture in the north. Diverse patterns of Euro-Canadian settlement, concentrated in the north but widespread in the south, also influenced relations. In addition, differences in the two Cree groups forced the Mounted Police to realize that not all Indians were the same.<p> This thesis supplies a brief history of the two Cree groups to provide insight on the existing methods of Cree law enforcement long-established prior to the arrival of the Mounted Police, and the complexities encountered in adapting to the laws of the Canadian government. Consideration is given to the difficulties in creating a law enforcement group to police the newly acquired North West Territories, as well as the initial phases of Cree and police contact for each region.<p> Each region experienced its own history, which contributed to the relationship between the Cree and the Mounted Police. For example, in the Battleford region the 1885 Rebellion played a key role in denigrating the image of the Poundmaker Cree, whereas the Peter Ballantyne Cree experienced no such event which created such a negative image. Poverty, starvation, and disease among both Cree groups were unfortunate elements which resulted from police enforcement of certain detrimental government policies. All the same, the Cree perceived the police as "protectors", yet were fully aware that they were also forced to carry out the orders of the Canadian government. It is this delicate balance between duty and humanity that had the greatest impact on relations between the Cree and the Mounted Police in Saskatchewan.

This thesis explores the history of Mounted Police and Cree relations on two Saskatchewan Reserves: Peter Ballantyne Cree Nation in the north-east of the province, and Poundmaker Cree Nation in the central south-western portion of Saskatchewan.<p> Sources include oral interviews of elders from each reserve as well as a wide variety of primary and secondary sources, including the Royal Canadian Mounted Police records.<p> One of the main goals of this thesis is to present a Cree perspective on contact and interaction with the Mounted Police. Although police policies were supposedly the same towards all Indians, specific elements of the Mounted Police dealings were altered according to a variety of external influences. For example, different environmental features from one region to the other prohibited the adoption of agriculture in the north. Diverse patterns of Euro-Canadian settlement, concentrated in the north but widespread in the south, also influenced relations. In addition, differences in the two Cree groups forced the Mounted Police to realize that not all Indians were the same.<p> This thesis supplies a brief history of the two Cree groups to provide insight on the existing methods of Cree law enforcement long-established prior to the arrival of the Mounted Police, and the complexities encountered in adapting to the laws of the Canadian government. Consideration is given to the difficulties in creating a law enforcement group to police the newly acquired North West Territories, as well as the initial phases of Cree and police contact for each region.<p> Each region experienced its own history, which contributed to the relationship between the Cree and the Mounted Police. For example, in the Battleford region the 1885 Rebellion played a key role in denigrating the image of the Poundmaker Cree, whereas the Peter Ballantyne Cree experienced no such event which created such a negative image. Poverty, starvation, and disease among both Cree groups were unfortunate elements which resulted from police enforcement of certain detrimental government policies. All the same, the Cree perceived the police as "protectors", yet were fully aware that they were also forced to carry out the orders of the Canadian government. It is this delicate balance between duty and humanity that had the greatest impact on relations between the Cree and the Mounted Police in Saskatchewan.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nilo Dias de Oliveira.pdf: 2492128 bytes, checksum: 2383b70447de656b28669fcc60bd69a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This thesis presents the structure of Brazil`s Intelligence Service, also known as the National Security System, which from the second half of the 1950s to the height of the Juscelino Kubitschek government (1956-1961) acquired the stature and complexity that enabled it to provide surveillance and control of the entirety of Brazilian society. Interconnection of the principal agencies acting as police security systems, namely the National Security Council (CSN), the Social Policy Division of Police (DPS), the National Security sections existing in all Civil Ministries of the Republic, as well as Information Services of Police of Political and Social Order (DOPS) and the Secretaries of State Security comprised for the first time in Brazil a complex system integrated both horizontally and vertically throughout the repressive apparatus of the state. Being structured as a "single central national information," its ramifications also extended internationally through connections with the Police security systems in several European countries, North America and Latin America. In developing this thesis we used documents from the National Security Council largely located in the National Archives of Brasilia, and CPDOC, the Getulio Vargas Foundation in Rio de Janeiro. Thus existing documents from the collections of the CPDOC depository of the personal archives of General Tavora and military officer and politician Congressman and Governor Ernani do Amaral Peixoto were necessary; documents from the Bureau of Political and Social Order of São Paulo SP-DOPS, located in the Public Archives of the State of São Paulo; and documents from the Division of Police and Social Policy DPS, the Public Archives of the State of Rio de Janeiro. According to guidelines for the fight against communism, promulgated under the aegis of the Cold War and espoused in Latin America by the United States, these actions allowed the more conservative and dominant segment to remain in permanent conflict with civil society concerning recommended alternatives for Brazil s economic development in order to consolidate its power. Even to the extent of coordination with the Armed Forces. Also participating at the time of these military clashes, with loud disapproval, proposing alternatives to national development and which were collected by storm for many of the purges engineered by security organs at the time, were those arbitrarily accused as communists or sympathizers. Coincidentally, it was the military that gave support to maintaining of democratic openness. On the other hand, the most diverse sectors of society eager for freedom on constitutional grounds began to express themselves through repeated discussions, demonstrations, strikes, etc., in work demands, political opinions or on public affairs in general as well as on international issues at that moment. However, beneath an apparent climate of democracy at the end of the 1950s there was a nearly total control thrived that could be mapped with increasing detail of the greater part of the demonstrations in Brazil. Thus it became necessary to integrate the Brazilian Armed Forces responsible for implementing the National Security Doctrine (DSN), with Civil and Military Police throughout the country. Directly subordinate to the National Security Council (NSC), such a system, which began at that time, could provide information to the central authorities of the Government about any individual or existing organization. It could even define who or what should be observed, or violently repressed, or restricted in their freedoms and public activities / A Tese que ora se apresenta demonstra como se estruturou o Serviço de Inteligência no Brasil, também denominado Sistema de Segurança Nacional, que adquiriu estatura e complexidade capaz de proporcionar a vigilância e o controle de toda a sociedade, a partir da segunda metade da década de 1950, em plena vigência do governo Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1961). A articulação dos principais órgãos que atuaram como Polícias Políticas, ou seja, o Conselho de Segurança Nacional (CSN), a Divisão de Polícia Política Social (DPS), as seções de Segurança Nacional existentes em todos os Ministérios Civis da República, assim como os Serviços de Informações das Delegacias de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS s) e as Secretarias de Segurança estaduais compuseram, pela primeira vez no país, um sistema complexo que integrou horizontal e verticalmente todo o aparato repressivo do Estado. Ao se estruturar como uma central única de informações nacional , suas ramificações adquiriram também dimensão internacional, através das conexões com as Polícias Políticas de diversos países europeus, norte-americanos e latino-americanos. Para o desenvolvimento dessa Tese foram utilizados documentos oriundos do Conselho de Segurança Nacional localizados em grande parte no Arquivo Nacional de Brasília e no CPDOC da Fundação Getulio Vargas, Rio de Janeiro. Desse modo, foram compulsados os documentos existentes nos acervos do CPDOC, depositário dos arquivos pessoais do General Juarez Távora e do oficial militar e político deputado federal e governador Ernani do Amaral Peixoto; nos documentos da Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo DOPS-SP, localizados no Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo; e nos documentos da Divisão de Polícia Política e Social DPS, no Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Segundo as diretrizes para o combate ao comunismo, promulgadas sob a égide da Guerra Fria e capitaneadas pelos Estados Unidos para toda a América Latina, essas ações permitiram que o segmento dominante mais conservador e em permanente embate com a sociedade civil sobre as alternativas indicadas ao desenvolvimento econômico do país pudesse consolidar seu poder. Inclusive, de forma articulada com as Forças Armadas. Também participavam na época desses embates militares que, da caserna, propunham alternativas para o desenvolvimento nacional e que foram colhidos de roldão por muitos dos expurgos engendrados pelos órgãos de Segurança da época, taxados de modo arbitrário como comunistas ou simpatizantes da ideologia. Coincidentemente, tratava-se dos militares que apoiavam a manutenção da abertura democrática. Por sua parte, os mais diversos setores da sociedade ansiosos pela liberdade através da abertura constitucional, passaram a expressar em reiterados debates, mobilizações, greves etc., suas demandas de trabalho, suas opiniões sobre a política ou sobre a coisa pública, em geral, bem como sobre questões internacionais daquele momento. No entanto, sob o clima de aparente democracia do final da década de 1950 vicejava um controle quase total que permitia mapear de forma cada vez mais detalhada a maioria das manifestações havidas em todo o Brasil. Para tanto, foi necessária a integração das Forças Armadas brasileiras, responsáveis pela aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN), com as Polícias Civis e Militares de todo o país. Diretamente subordinado ao Conselho de Segurança Nacional (CSN) tal sistema passou, a partir dessa época, a fornecer informações às instâncias centrais do Governo sobre qualquer pessoa ou organização existente. Definia ainda quem ou o que deveria ser vigiado, ou reprimido violentamente, ou cerceado em suas liberdades e atividades públicas

Police officers continue to sustain injuries during close proximity encounters with non-compliant and combative suspects. The purpose of this quasi-experimental study was to examine whether the use of less-lethal instruments, such as conducted energy devices, oleoresin capsicum, impact batons, and hands/feet defensive tactic reduced police officer injury during confrontations with uncooperative suspects at a medium-sized police department in a southern state. Fichtelberg's democratic policing was used as the theoretical framework for this study. Data were acquired from Suspect Resistant Reports (n = 409) written by police officers over a 10-year period (1/05 - 12/14). The dependent variable was police officer injury and the categorically ranked independent variable was the less-lethal instrument. A significant association was found between officer injuries and less-lethal instruments using chi-square analysis (p