The British Columbia Police was established in September, 1858, by James Douglas (later Sir James Douglas) . At that time Douglas was Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company and Governor of the Colony of Vancouver Island. When the Fraser River gold rush occurred, Douglas assumed responsibility for maintaining law and order on the Mainland of British Columbia, and established a small police force at the diggings. This force was not an organized police force in the modern sense, but rather a modified form of the English system of police offices composed of stipendiary magistrates and paid constables established in London in 1792. In British Columbia, the gold fields were divided into administrative districts each in charge of a gold commissioner armed with magisterial powers. These officials, who were under the orders of and directly responsible to the Governor, were referred to both as stipendiary magistrates and as gold commissioners. One of their main functions was to put down lawlessness in their districts. For this reason, each magistrate was authorized to appoint a staff of not more than six constables. Since the constables were also employed as the magistrates’ clerks, recorders, collectors and postmasters, they became integrated with the administrative system of the Colony. The suddenness of the Fraser River gold rush found Douglas without competent men to appoint to the important office of stipendiary magistrate. He hesitated until June, then appointed a staff chosen from the gold mining population. Without exception the men whom he appointed proved incompetent. The constables also were selected from among the miners, and with few exceptions their service was unsatisfactory. Before any of the appointments were made, the miners had taken the law into their own hands. They treated the magistrates and constables with neither fear nor respect. At the end of the year there was a breakdown in law and order in the goldfieids, culminating in a dispute between two of the magistrates, generally referred to as the "McGowan War." The question now arose as to whether or not British Columbia should have a large, centrally controlled, semi-military police force organized along the lines of the Royal Irish Constabulary. There was already in the Colony an officer of the famous Irish Force. This was Chartres Brew, whom Sir Edward Buliver Lytton had selected to assist Douglas in organizing a police force. Brew, who arrived in the Colony in November, 1858, was appalled at the inability of the police to control the miners. He proposed that a force of 150 men should be raised in the Colony, but the expense involved caused Douglas to withhold his consent. After the McGowan War, Governor Douglas, with Brew’s concurrence, requested the Colonial Office to send out a force of about 150 of the Irish Constabulary at the British Government's expense. This plan was dropped when it was learned that the expense would have to be borne by the Colony. Brew then requested to take the constables in the goldfields under his charge. However early in 1858 the military forces in the Colony had been substantially increased. Also a new and competent staff of magistrates had been appointed. Consequently Douglas did not now feel the need of a strong police force. His unco-operative attitude persuaded Brew to abandon all hope of taking control of the police. He accepted instead a position in the magistracy. Consequently the colonial constables remained under the control of the magistrates. Fortunately there appeared a better class of magistrates and constables after 1858. The magistrates were selected from suitable candidates sent over by the British Colonial Office. Without exception they won the confidence of the Governor. Their efforts were mainly responsible for the general good order that prevailed in British Columbia after 1858. The Governors of the Colony allowed the magistrates to choose their own constables. However in 1864, under Governor Seymour, the constable establishments for each district were fixed by the Governor-in- Council and all appointments to the constabulary had to have the Governor's approval. Although these measures gave more stability to the police the early development of the Force was hampered by the financial circumstances of the Colony, There were too few constables to deal with the serious increase in crime at the height of the Cariboo gold rush or to coerce large mining companies if they defied government regulations. Nevertheless the British Columbia Police was motivated by high ideals of public service. When there were openings for new Magistrates, first consideration was given to the constables. After Confederation the magistrates became servants of the Dominion Government while the constables came under the jurisdiction of the Province. This change led to two important steps in the evolution of the British Columbia Police. First the police became independent of the judiciary. Second, a superintendent was appointed for the whole force. However modernization was not completed until 1923 when the British Columbia Police was reorganized by the Police and Prisons Regulations Act. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

吳志華. / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (p. 179-184) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Wu Zhihua. / Lun wen (bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (p. 179-184) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

As a conclusion, the Chinese state's coercive capacity that has been solidified under enforced "decentralization" in the reform era, does not necessarily coincide with state building theories that are based on Western European countries' historical experiences. Western theories regard "modern state building" as a process within which the state gradually centralizes and monopolizes the coercive power "from top to bottom." However, the development pattern of state coercive capacity in China during the reform era suggests a somewhat different path composed of two stages: decentralization from top to bottom and re-centralization from top to bottom. In this sense, the experience of solidifying state coercive capacity in reform China enriches existing state building theories by adding a new angle for understanding state building. / First, decentralization of coercive force characterizes the institutional arrangement that undergirds state coercion in reform China Enforced decentralization reflects historical continuity of institutional design in state coercion; at the same time, "devolution of power" has been the center's strategy to mobilize resources from localities more effectively, while making localities to cope with challenges rising from transitional local society directly. Based on a panel data of provincial level localities in 1988-2004 period, and a field research in three county-level localities of Shandong province, this study finds out that "enforced decentralization" has contributed to the growth of police force. Though, depending on each locality's specific situation, the degree that decentralization has contributed to the reinforcement of local coercive capacity has some variations. Additionally, through a "two-way fixed effect regression model," I examined existing theories that have explained reinforcement of state coercive capacity. It was found out that the key determinants for the growth of state coercive capacity in reform China includes: crime rate, economic development, revenue, and urban-rural division in localities. / In post-Mao era, the police forces were perceived to be CCP's instrument for controlling society rather than the state's apparatus for guaranteeing crime control and law enforcement. The reform, however, changed Chinas social landscape greatly. Along with the transformation in the functions of the state, the functions of the police forces experienced changes as well. Through an empirical study, this research discusses how variations in institutional arrangement put impact on the state's capability of exerting coercion. By unpacking the development of basic power structure in reform China (state coercion and police forces), and by examining the underlying mechanism of such development, this research attempts to explore how the functions of the state as well as the nature of governance in China has been transformed. / Second, along with the development of state coercion mechanism under decentralization, some negative effects of state-enforced decentralization have also started to come out. In order to maintain a sustainable development of state coercive capability, at the latter period of reform, the state started to re-emphasize central monitoring and administrative centralization. While strengthening the center's monitor and control over local police apparatus through reorganization of public security administrative system, the center also attempted to facilitate its penetration into local society. Nevertheless, it has been found out through my fieldwork that the effort of re-centralizing the coercive power is greatly constrained by decentralized institutions that have been established in the earlier stage of the reform era. / The object of this research is police force in reform China: the context and mechanism that enabled transition in state coercive capacity in the reform era. Three things have been aimed in this research: first, to describe how state coercive capacity has been developed in China; second, to analyze how the establishment of relevant institutional mechanism has affected state coercive capacity and how those institutions work; third, to explore how the state has made a functional transition in governing local society which is getting more diversified. / Third, the growth of police force indicates the growth of fundamental governing capacity of the state. It has influenced the pattern and even the nature of governance in China tremendously. The tradition in Chinese administration, "centralized minimalism" at grassroots level, would be revitalized and strengthened throughout the reform. At the same time, with the changes in external conditions that affect governing capacity, state apparatus under the Chinese Communist Party's control is in functional transition: from "controlling a few dangerous classes in society" to "answering to diversified demands on security within society." / 樊鵬. / Adviser: Shaoguang Wang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2231. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 312-322). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Fan Peng.

Chiu Sau-Mee. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 90-101). / Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Origin of Modern Policing --- p.22 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Historical Evolution of Hong Kong Policing --- p.39 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- Controlling Mechanism on Contemporary Policing in Hong Kong --- p.63 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- Conclusion --- p.87 / Bibliography --- p.90

On March 14, 1975, twenty-eight year old Portland Police Officer Kenneth Sanford shot and killed seventeen-year-old Rickie Charles Johnson in the back of the head during a sting operation. Incredulously, Johnson was the fourth person of color to be shot and killed by Portland police within a five-month period. Due to his age and surrounding circumstances, Johnson's death by Sanford elicited extreme reactions from varied communities of Portland. Unlike previous deaths of people of color by the police in Portland, Johnson's death received widespread attention from mainstream media outlets. In response, some white citizens decried Johnson's death as unjustified police brutality. Still, several white citizens defended the Portland Police Bureau and their actions. Members of Portland's African American community, however, firmly believed that Johnson's death was just another instance in the PPB's long history of police brutality within Portland's black neighborhoods. Johnson's death motivated young black activists in Portland, Oregon to form the advocacy group the Black Justice Committee (BJC). The BJC, along with several pre-established advocacy groups in Portland, demanded that the city host its first public inquest to investigate Johnson's death. A public inquest is a public "trial" that usually occurs after a sudden or unexpected death. Black citizens felt this public inquest would hold the city accountable for repeated mistreatment of the city's communities of color; whereas, the nearly all white city government believed a public inquest would quell racial unrest within Portland. Mayor Neil Goldschmidt and District Attorney Harl Haas agreed to host the inquest, at which assistant District Attorney John Moore questioned Officer Sanford's motivations and actions. Despite the advocacy efforts before the public inquest, the jury voted 4-1 for Sanford's innocence. The only black jury member casted the sole vote against Sanford's innocence. Heralded for its progressivity, the city of Portland, Oregon is contemporarily viewed as a liberal mecca where all are welcome to speak their truth and "Keep Portland Weird." However, communities of color have experienced widespread repression, oppression and discrimination since the establishment of the city. Whereas some may see Portland as a city that cherishes individuality, Portland's black community has been robbed of autonomy for generations. Police surveillance, harassment and brutality have plagued Portland's black community for years and continues to be a contentious issue within the city. This project focuses on the history of Portland's black community, the history of the Portland Police Bureau, and the relationship between the two. Starting with World War II and ending with Officer Sanford's public inquest in April 1975, this thesis showcases the unassailability of Portland's black activist community and the city's continued denial of culpability for police actions. Despite the inquest's results, Johnson's death and the advocacy surrounding the incident fueled the motivations of activists at both the national and state level, and encouraged the city to acknowledge the wrongdoings of the Bureau.

Orientador: Maria Clementina Pereira Cunha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T00:32:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Garzoni_LericedeCastro_M.pdf: 3445760 bytes, checksum: 0267e87701c6c9bddaeba6191b1c594f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação estuda casos de mulheres reincidentemente presas e processadas por ¿vadiagem¿, nas primeiras décadas do século XX, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. O objetivo foi analisar a relação entre policiados e policiais no início do período republicano. Por meio dos processos de vadiagem, foi possível acompanhar como diferentes definições de vadiagem eram acionadas, tanto pelos policiais e testemunhas, quanto pelas mulheres e seus defensores. Além disso, as mudanças nos perfis de acusadas e policiais, bem como mudanças nos próprios processos, permitiram observar um aumento progressivo da impessoalidade. Ao serem processadas por vadiagem, as mulheres eram submetidas a diversos julgamentos morais e, com isso, diferentes concepções de honra feminina se tornavam visíveis, bem como suas interfaces com identidades de classe e raça / Abstract: This dissertation is a study of cases of women who were arrested and judged for "vagrancy" in the city of Rio de Janeiro, during the first decades of the twentieth century. This dissertation aims to analyze the relationship between police and population in the early Republic. This kind of police documentation allows us to understand how different definitions of "vagrancy" could be used by both policemen, and witness, as well as arrested women and the men who defended them. The profiles of policemen and "vagrant women" changed along the time, which indicates changes in the kind of relations they established. The female defendants of vagrancy were under moral trials, where different conceptions of female honor would appear, associated with class and race identities / Mestrado / Historia Social da Cultura / Mestre em História

En tant que pays occupé pendant les deux conflits mondiaux, la Belgique s’avère être un laboratoire pour étudier le phénomène des occupations pendant le XXe siècle. Pour la bureaucratie étatique, ces occupations posent la question de leur positionnement face à une dissociation entre Etat et Nation. La comparaison diachronique de la police communale de Bruxelles – à travers l’angle organisationnel et à travers sa pratique dans l’espace social – a permis de dégager plusieurs thèses. <p>Le développement des appareils administratifs a pris de telles dimensions dans le XIXe siècle que l’occupant est obligé de trouver un modus vivendi avec les institutions existant sur les territoires occupés, lui-même étant incapable de gérer seul les pays sous son contrôle. Cette constellation donne une marge de manœuvres importante à la police locale, l’institution qui fait l’objet de notre étude.<p>Pendant les deux guerres, la police est soumise à un processus de réformes visant à améliorer son fonctionnement :centralisation du commandement, spécialisation d’unités, élargissement géographie des compétences d’intervention… Ces changements s’inspirent d’une part d’idées ambiantes en Belgique et d’autre part de projets réalisés en Allemagne dans les deux périodes procédant la guerre.<p>L’intégration de l’appareil policier communal à l’intérieur d’un régime d’occupation est facilitée par le professionnalisme de celui-ci qui contraste fortement avec la pratique des polices auxiliaires pour lesquelles l’ordre patriotique et/ou idéologique peut prendre le dessus sur le ‘maintien d’ordre classique’. Cette prédominance professionnalisante explique la continuité du fonctionnement de l’institution qui poursuit ses tâches entre 1914-1918 et 1940-1944.<p>En m’inspirant des travaux de l’historien allemand Alf Lüdtke et du sociologues français Dominique Montjardet, j’ai essayé de questionner trois postulats sous-jacents dans l’historiographie :<p>-\ / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished