Esse trabalho apresenta a relação estabelecida entre os atores sociais envolvidos no campo da saúde em Porto Alegre, ao longo das décadas de oitenta e noventa. O estudo focou, especificamente, a relação entre (a) lideranças do movimento popular e dos usuários do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) das regiões Glória Cruzeiro e Cristal (b) profissionais e trabalhadores em saúde da área de planejamento da gerência distrital Glória/Cruzeiro/Cristal (GD5) e (c) gestores públicos municipais. Procurou-se verificar quais os fatores que determinaram a ação governamental nas regiões que compõem a GD5, a partir da (a) organização popular e participação, (b) existência de uma policy community reformista regional na área da saúde e (c) sensibilidade e resposta política dos gestores municipais. Para isso realizou-se um estudo qualitativo, baseado em entrevistas e análise documental. A utilização dessa abordagem permitiu identificar a forma peculiar como os atores sociais foram constituindo estratégias de lutas, disputas, conflitos e negociações no campo da saúde que resultaram em ampliação e melhoria dos bens e serviços disponíveis nas regiões da GD5. / This work presents the relationship established between social actors in health area in Porto Alegre, during the eighties e nineties. The study focuses, specifically, the relationship between (a) popular movement's leaderships and the Sistema Único de Saude's users from the region Glória Cruzeiro e Cristal, (b) health workers of the area covered by gerência distrital Glória/Cruzeiro/ Cristal (GD5) and (c) public managers. To do that, one tried to check the possible reasons why determined the government action in the GD5, in term of(a) intensity of organization and popular participation, (b) existence o f a reformist and regional po licy community in that medical area and (c) responsiveness of public managers municipal. To do so, one accomplished a qualitative study, based on interviews and analysis of documents. This approach, made possible identified the peculiar way these agents were constructing strategies of fights, disputes, conflicts and negotiations in the medical area that end up widening and improving the health services available in the regions of GDS.

Esse trabalho apresenta a relação estabelecida entre os atores sociais envolvidos no campo da saúde em Porto Alegre, ao longo das décadas de oitenta e noventa. O estudo focou, especificamente, a relação entre (a) lideranças do movimento popular e dos usuários do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) das regiões Glória Cruzeiro e Cristal (b) profissionais e trabalhadores em saúde da área de planejamento da gerência distrital Glória/Cruzeiro/Cristal (GD5) e (c) gestores públicos municipais. Procurou-se verificar quais os fatores que determinaram a ação governamental nas regiões que compõem a GD5, a partir da (a) organização popular e participação, (b) existência de uma policy community reformista regional na área da saúde e (c) sensibilidade e resposta política dos gestores municipais. Para isso realizou-se um estudo qualitativo, baseado em entrevistas e análise documental. A utilização dessa abordagem permitiu identificar a forma peculiar como os atores sociais foram constituindo estratégias de lutas, disputas, conflitos e negociações no campo da saúde que resultaram em ampliação e melhoria dos bens e serviços disponíveis nas regiões da GD5. / This work presents the relationship established between social actors in health area in Porto Alegre, during the eighties e nineties. The study focuses, specifically, the relationship between (a) popular movement's leaderships and the Sistema Único de Saude's users from the region Glória Cruzeiro e Cristal, (b) health workers of the area covered by gerência distrital Glória/Cruzeiro/ Cristal (GD5) and (c) public managers. To do that, one tried to check the possible reasons why determined the government action in the GD5, in term of(a) intensity of organization and popular participation, (b) existence o f a reformist and regional po licy community in that medical area and (c) responsiveness of public managers municipal. To do so, one accomplished a qualitative study, based on interviews and analysis of documents. This approach, made possible identified the peculiar way these agents were constructing strategies of fights, disputes, conflicts and negotiations in the medical area that end up widening and improving the health services available in the regions of GDS.

This thesis enquires into the kinds of citizenship taught and learned in formal and informal settings of citizenship education in Scotland. There has been a ‘perceived’ crisis in democratic citizenry in the UK and elsewhere across the world since the 1990s and this has brought about renewed interests in citizenship education whereby young people are a specifically targeted group. Yet, citizenship education is a fundamentally contested domain where conflicting and contrasting ideologies co-exist and the Scottish version of ‘education for global citizenship’ is an archetypal example of this. By exploring similarities and differences between accounts of ‘what adult practitioners do’ and ‘what young people learn’ in each setting, the thesis emphasises tensions and challenges of citizenship education and their implications for the wider debates about the complex relationship between citizenship, democracy and education. The thesis deploys a synthesised theoretical framework for differentiating and analysing the types of education and learning that are legitimate points of reference in citizenship education for democratic life. It distinguishes between approaches to education for citizenship that focuses on membership of the community (relationships and service work in communities), formal political participation (political literacy in terms of institutions, processes and procedures) entrepreneurial citizenship (employability skills and economic participation) and social and political activism (the commitment and capacity to think critically and act collectively to realise the inherent goals of democracy). These different approaches entail a broad ideological mix of civic republicanism, liberalism and neoliberalism which informs citizenship education. The increasing emphasis on economic participation in educational contexts resonates with what can be termed as a neoliberal version of ‘responsiblised citizenship’ that promotes an individualised and depoliticised conception of citizenship by equipping young people with knowledge, skills and experiences to get on and get into the labour market through their own individual efforts rather than being concerned with the collective needs and interests of young people. Formal education and, to some extent informal community education, tend to overlook the de facto issues, experiences and contributions of young people as engaged citizens and the need to focus on the commitment and capacity to think critically and act collectively in order to realise the inherent goals of democracy as an unfinished project. Consequently, the experience of citizenship education is one young people often feel marginal to or marginalised from. This thesis challenges the dominant assumption of ‘disengaged youth’ to focus instead on the democratic deficit at the heart of citizenship teaching and learning. Along with the ‘invited’ spaces of citizenship education, in both formal and informal settings, the goal of democracy should include the ‘invented’ spaces of citizenship learning which reflects the lived experience, concerns and aspirations of young people.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--University of Hong Kong, 1981.

This thesis presents an analysis of adult education programs concerned with reconciliation, and more specifically with reconciliation pedagogy used by community organisations in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland for many years was the site of inter-ethnic violence expressed through sectarian and paramilitary presence, but has moved towards a more peaceful, civil society in recent years. This thesis investigates how the role of the citizen-subject in the new Northern Ireland is constituted in adult education programs and how funding regimes govern such community relations initiatives. The thesis offers a critical analysis of interviews with tutors, participants, designers and managers involved in a selected peace and reconciliation course. A broader view on reconciliation pedagogy and curriculum in anti-sectarian adult education in Northern Ireland leads to a closer exploration of social practices and power relations surrounding the chosen course, while drawing upon selected aspects of social theory, Foucauldian discourse analysis and concepts of governmentality. The analysis revealed that the chosen anti-sectarian course, ‘Us and Them’ (Workers Educational Association), proposes individualisation and responsibilisation as alternatives to community identities and nationalistic myths of origins. Equal rights are interpreted as equal rights to cultural expressions, and culture is continuously privileged over other structural differentials in Northern Ireland such as poverty, class or colour. ‘Us and Them’ is one component of a large machinery of projects designed to address the conflict situation in Northern Ireland. This machinery finds its centre in the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, which privileges certain knowledges based on cultural consociationalism over others and which distributes funds for peace and reconciliation projects accordingly. Furthermore,the thesis examines how contemporary policy papers addressing community relations shape discourses found in anti-sectarian strategies and the rationales, strategies and policies informing “Us and Them’. The aim of the analysis is to explore the power and potential (and the limitations) of individualisation and responsibilisation as techniques in peace and reconciliation pedagogy in post-settlement ethnic conflict situations.

This thesis presents an analysis of adult education programs concerned with reconciliation, and more specifically with reconciliation pedagogy used by community organisations in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland for many years was the site of inter-ethnic violence expressed through sectarian and paramilitary presence, but has moved towards a more peaceful, civil society in recent years. This thesis investigates how the role of the citizen-subject in the new Northern Ireland is constituted in adult education programs and how funding regimes govern such community relations initiatives. The thesis offers a critical analysis of interviews with tutors, participants, designers and managers involved in a selected peace and reconciliation course. A broader view on reconciliation pedagogy and curriculum in anti-sectarian adult education in Northern Ireland leads to a closer exploration of social practices and power relations surrounding the chosen course, while drawing upon selected aspects of social theory, Foucauldian discourse analysis and concepts of governmentality. The analysis revealed that the chosen anti-sectarian course, ‘Us and Them’ (Workers Educational Association), proposes individualisation and responsibilisation as alternatives to community identities and nationalistic myths of origins. Equal rights are interpreted as equal rights to cultural expressions, and culture is continuously privileged over other structural differentials in Northern Ireland such as poverty, class or colour. ‘Us and Them’ is one component of a large machinery of projects designed to address the conflict situation in Northern Ireland. This machinery finds its centre in the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, which privileges certain knowledges based on cultural consociationalism over others and which distributes funds for peace and reconciliation projects accordingly. Furthermore,the thesis examines how contemporary policy papers addressing community relations shape discourses found in anti-sectarian strategies and the rationales, strategies and policies informing “Us and Them’. The aim of the analysis is to explore the power and potential (and the limitations) of individualisation and responsibilisation as techniques in peace and reconciliation pedagogy in post-settlement ethnic conflict situations.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Oregon State University, 2010. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-145). Also available on the World Wide Web.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Connecticut, 1999. / Abstract (2 leaves) bound with copy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 328-355).

A presente dissertação analisa as mudanças implementadas na agenda da segurança pública na pós-transição democrática e os motivos pelos quais o modelo de segurança pública no Brasil é tão resistente a reformas. O cenário democrático testemunhou a entrada de novos atores na comunidade da política, e, a partir de então, novas e velhas visões acerca do tema passaram a coexistir. Apesar da crise da segurança pública, explicitada nas décadas de 1980-1990, nenhuma das propostas de reforma estrutural do modelo da política obteve êxito até o momento, o que pode ser explicado pela ausência de uma ampla coalizão em torno de uma agenda mínima de reformas e pelo padrão de dependência da trajetória da política. As mudanças possíveis nesse contexto, embora sejam insuficientes para conformar um novo modelo de política, têm provocado deslocamentos em algumas das características históricas do sistema de segurança pública, promovendo pequenas alterações na sua dinâmica federativa. / This dissertation analyzes the changes to the agenda of public security in Brazil after its democratic transition. It also addresses the reasons why the Brazilian policy model of public security might be so resistant to reforms. The new democratic scenario witnessed new actors entering the policy community and brought together old and new views on the subject. In spite of the crisis in the public security, which was brought to light in the 1980´s and 1990´s, none of the proposals for structural reform of the policy model have hitherto been successful. Such a failure might be explained by the absence of a broad coalition around a minimum agenda of reforms and also by the path dependence of the public security policy. The possible changes in this context, despite being insufficient to forge a new policy model, have led to shifts in some of the historical features of the system of public security, promoting small changes in its federative dynamics.

This thesis addresses one of the major challenges facing education systems in developing countries: that of how to include all children, particularly those from relatively disadvantaged communities. It looks, in particular, at the example in Nepal of children from the Dalit communities, a group known to be disadvantaged and often marginalized within the formal education system. In particular, the study attempts to investigate the barriers that prevent the educational access, participation and progress of these students at the secondary level. This theme was investigated using an ethnographic approach, which examined people's life experiences and culture in natural settings (within schools and in their communities) using data collected through a series of interviews, and observations. It also involved an analysis of the relevant literature and policy documents. What was found is that the reasons for children from the Dalit community being disadvantaged are many and complex. Broadly, they can be summarized as being, first of all, about the difficulties of implementing national policies, particularly in terms of making resources available and providing effective monitoring, even though these policies are very positive about the inclusion of these children. Secondly, it is about the expectations and attitudes amongst the various Dalit communities as to what they want for their children and young people, which are to do with tradition and culture, life styles and economic circumstances. Thirdly, these two sets of factors together put pressure on the schools, which have to find a way of dealing with the challenge of diversity and various expectations. In this way, this research provides some new understanding of the issues that bear on the education of Dalit children. The knowledge gained through this research has practical implications for stakeholders: policy makers, teachers, and Dalit community members and social workers. It is argued that this would help to foster the improvement of policy initiatives and their effective implementation. It could also help to bring changes in the existing attitudes of teachers and Dalit communities that may have a positive impact on Dalit children's integration into education. Most importantly, it has brought a new way of looking at these issues that can be used to inform public debate. The study illustrates the use of a methodology that might usefully be adopted by researchers carrying out research around similar themes in other developing countries. It might also be the case that the barriers that have been identified in Nepal would represent useful starting points for such research.