This thesis researches the variation in levels of liberalisation within the European services market, focusing in detail on four selected service sectors (i.e. postal services, electricity services, healthcare services and the services covered by the Services Directive) from 2001 until 2011. In this thesis, I propose a model of European integration capable of explaining the exact levels of liberalisation in each service sector. I argue that the level of liberalisation can be explained by looking at the drivers of integration (i.e. expected economic benefits from further integration and the level of supranational activity), which determine the societal demand for further integration and the shape legislators’ preferences and constraints, and the intervening influence of adhoc politicisation (i.e. the influence of public opinion through mass mobilisation). To illustrate this, this thesis applies a two-tiered approach of analysis. First, it explains the context in which the legislation is made to understand the economic implications of the proposed legislation, the level of supranational activity preceding the tabling of the legislation and the preferences of all actors involved. Second, taking preferences as exogenously given, this thesis applies a method of process tracing to study in detail the negotiations between legislators – the amending stage of the legislation. The case studies show that the drivers are crucial to explain the general demand for integration and at the same time show how politicisation, taking various guises, influences the level of liberalisation – primarily by altering legislators’ relative power. Particularly interesting is that politicisation can affect the negotiations even in absence of politicisation actually materialising causing some legislation to be made in the ‘shadow of politicisation’. These findings confirm existing explanations of European integration and add new insights as to how we can understand the process of European integration more generally.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree: Masters in Development Theory and Policy in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management at the University of Witwatersrand / South Africa enshrines itself as a democratic developing country that adheres to the principles of good governance and acknowledges the role that civil society participation in state affairs can have. The purpose of this study was to establish the role and effectiveness of NEDLAC’s social dialogue process through evaluating the contribution of civil society participation in the Development Chamber; and to understand the relationship between NEDLAC’s social dialogue model and the World Bank ideology on civil society participation in policy making. The study highlights that NEDLAC remains one of the key vehicles for social dialogue in South Africa and there have been positive contributions by civil society participation in the NEDLAC process. It takes its premise from the ILO model of social dialogue, whilst it also adapts from the World Bank ideology of civil society participation by including civil society in the process, through the Development Chamber. However, the effectiveness of civil society participation in policy making through NEDLAC is at risk due to the impact of the changing socioeconomic environment. In many ways this study highlights contradictions in South Africa’s social dialogue process. The Development Chamber is not being optimally used for its intended purposes as representativity and accountability of the community organisations are a concern; whilst there is an increasingly active civil society, demonstrated by civil unrest, which is not part of this social dialogue process.

This research proposes that monetary policy is more than a technical economic policy. Since it is politically controlled, political variables should affect it. In this analysis, the monetary policies of France, Italy, the United Kingdom, and West Germany are described in detail. Political variables potentially affecting this policy are reviewed. Political variables, such as political party in power, electoral competition, electoral cycles, and political instability, are employed in a time series regression analysis of monetary aggregates. Various economic variables are also included to aid model specification. While cross-national variations occur in monetary policy determination, this research shows that political parties follow ideologies in monetary policy-making. Other political variables are not strongly related to monetary aggregates.

This dissertation provides a descriptive-analytic study of the reasons and influences underlying Japan's less than progressive policy record on wildlife preservation, domestically and globally, since 1980. This research is important for a number of reasons, but mainly it helps us to test a number of theoretical models about: policy-making in Japan; Japanese environmental diplomacy; social movements; and corporatism. I hypothesise that apart from a common sense of purpose that binds the different policy actors together, Japan's poor record on wildlife preservation is a derivative of the way environmental NGOs have been marginalised and excluded from the policy process. This hypothesis links to Japan's public safety, and food and economic security concerns whereby these concerns tend to frame and guide policy-making on wildlife and nature issues. Using case study and participant observation methodologies to gather empirical evidence, this dissertation analyses both Japanese state behaviour towards global and domestic wildlife issues, and the changing relationships between the Japanese state, foreign pressure and environmental NGOs, in order to confirm or deny the hypothesis. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the Ramsar Convention are the two environmental regimes which provide the context and issues for the analyses. The research concludes that there is convincing evidence to support the hypothesis. The research also reveals the positive, although subtle, sea changes which are occurring in Japanese environmental politics in the light of the continuing changes taking place in both Japan's broader political economy and in the international community.

Indonesia achieved remarkable growth during the first 25 years of its series of Five Year Development Plans, which started in 1968. However, growth has not been well distributed across the regions, in part this is as a result of the Indonesian government development policy of a growth centre approach which has benefited �Western Indonesia� (Kawasan Barat Indonesia, KBI) more than �Eastern Indonesia� (Kawasan Timur Indonesia, KTI). Prosperity needs to be spread across Indonesian regions and needs to be more equitably shared. The thesis argues that government needs to search for other ways to overcome the imbalance by accelerating KTI development, to reduce this region�s resentment, which may increase the risk of disintegration. The central aim of this research is to describe and critically evaluate the potential usefulness of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) as a means to address the regional imbalance in economic development. It aims to make a contribution by: 1. Describing in detail the ways government decision-makers see the situation, in other words giving the viewpoints of the state; 2. Providing detailed transcriptions of the interpretations and opinions expressed by powerful decision makers in the public and private sectors; 3. Demonstrating how the public, private and non-government sectors operate; 4. Making the realistic point that the links across these sectors leads to both positive and negative outcomes; including 5. Illustrating through examples how corruption spreads from the public to the other sectors. This study examines the contributing factors to regional imbalance in Indonesia between KBI and KTI by means of a case study of policy and management challenges in KTI. It examines the current strategy used for accelerating the economic development of KTI and considers whether a new strategy of Public Private Partnerships would have relevance and can be developed and implemented to accelerate the development. Current strategies especially formulated for accelerating KTI economic development include: (i) The Policy and Strategy of the Eastern Indonesia Development Council (ii) The Program of the Ministry for Acceleration of Eastern Indonesian Development; and (iii) The Integrated Economic Development Zone program However, one of the weaknesses of these policies is the lack of cooperation across government and the private sector. This study has found that the government strategies and policies have neither matched local needs nor the implementation of economic development. The study, based on both interviews and secondary data, demonstrates that the causes of the economic imbalance are systemic and multiple. They span not only government policies contributing to the imbalance directly and indirectly but also other factors, such as: (i) Systemic corruption across the public, private and non-government sectors; (ii) Lack of willingness to address the issues, lack of capital, lack of capable human resource and lack of infrastructure, lack of domestic and international market access, lack of communication and coordination and lack of cooperation. To overcome these problems, the Indonesian government together with business and the watchful eye of diverse civil society organizations need to change policies, systems, and visions for developing this region. Public Private Partnerships through a mutual partnership program could be one way of accelerating the development in KTI. On the one hand there are some direct and positive consequences of this new vision, for example, the private sector sharing their knowledge, skills, funds, management and enhanced utilisation of market mechanisms to support the government in the development process. On the other hand there are many limitations to the approach such as government often accepts greater risk than is warranted, dangers of corruption and cronyism which may attend more intensive in long-term relationship and contracted services resulted in corruption and secret business influence in government. According to Transparency International, Indonesia remains one of the most corrupt nations internationally. Unless strategies are put in place to address systemic and endemic corruption and Public Private Partnerships are well managed, then the model for Public Private Partnership will only serve to exacerbate the problem. Systemic corruption also effects trust amongst stakeholders, which needs to be hand-in-hand with strategies to address �demoralisation� for developing prosperity. Government is becoming more responsive to the private sector�s needs by providing a conducive environment for investment, entrepreneurship and innovation. Public Private Partnerships could be a means to balance power between public, non-government and private sectors if there is more capacity building to enhance the competency and responsibility of the players. No development solution can come about by working with only the public or the private or the community sectors or just non-government organizations. This study makes a strong case that the �solutions need to be found in Partnerships�. However, in exploring the complexity of the social capital of trust-based networks between people (but which also unfortunately exclude others) which are important for partnerships and, correspondingly, with partnerships being important for social capital, the researcher finds that there is no neat or simplistic partnership that can produce miraculous results. Some partnerships can be corrupt, some can lead to better life chances for local citizens, but the merits of each case need to be considered contextually. Widespread change is only likely when there is systemic change across governance arenas (public, private and non-government) and with consideration of social, cultural, political, economic and environmental factors. Instead of blaming development problems on insufficient participation or the lack of capacity of the ordinary people, the problems lie equally with the state, big business and non-government organizations. More effective managerial skills and efficient processes are needed in the governance of all these organizations while the role played by civil society is essential in making this governance accountable. Better partnerships can provide models that could inspire others to follow. Overall this study describes the complex problems created by poor policy making from above. The �gaze� (in the sense used by Foucault) is shifted from the �non-participating and incapable� citizens to the �ineffective and inefficient� powerful. Why are ordinary people so often studied to find answers to societal or systemic problems? The thesis argues that this is because they are easier to ask, more tolerant of the researcher, more resigned to answering a number of questions, or perhaps think it is easier to answer questioners in order to �get rid of them�. Instead this thesis probes the viewpoints of the powerful. Researcher who is interested in understanding how the state operates in Eastern Indonesia could �trawl through this material� in order to develop a greater understanding of the dynamics of power. To conclude, the researcher is first and foremost a practical person, who wishes to find solutions by creating the conditions for better partnership arrangements. Instead, she found that the decision makers are part of the problem. For transformation in governance to occur, stronger civil society cooperation through �communities of practice� is needed. This would be in the interests of all sectors of society if a regionally more balanced sustainable future is to be achieved.

In many schools hours of energy and effort are dedicated to making decisions and developing policy. At the school level issues of curriculum, faculty groupings and structure, strategy for staff allocations and resourcing of faculties, often results in debate before being decided upon. So often valuable time and resources are wasted in argument, disagreement and political activity. This study has been designed to determine what actually happens in the decision process, with the subject of the study a single committee. The aim of the study is to determine the style of policy development that took place and what influences affected the decisions made. The study is in two parts. The first section develops a Conceptual Framework and research questions to categorise, summarise and organise data collected from policy development processes. The Conceptual framework was designed to permit analysis of the major components of the stages of Problem Structuring, Generation of Alternatives and Recommending Policy Actions. The second section in includes further Research Questions to determine whether the process applied to developing policy was Rational, Nonrational (Incremental/Political) or a Mixed Model type. The research method used was naturalistic and qualitative in nature and in the context of a case study. The main findings were that a Mixed Model of policy development was used by the Committee with elements of both Rational and Nonrational process evident from the research data.

Indonesia is home to 183 million people scattered through about 13 thousand islands. There are at least 583 dialects and also various religions and ethic groups exist in the country. Thus, the issue of unification is significant in Indonesia. To date, the state's ideology, Pancasila, has been considered as an effective device to bring the nation together. Pancasila is also used as a platform for Indonesia's developmental policy making. Media in Indonesia have long been seen as a means to support the development process. Indonesia has just completed its first Long Term Development Plan (1969 to 1994). The first Long Term Development Plan emphasized Indonesia's economy. Under the New Order administration, Indonesia has achieved both political stability and a continuing economic growth. Lately, there are some significant changes in the field of broadcasting infrastructure. On July 24th, 1990, the government issued the Decree of the Minister of Information (no. 111/Kep/Menpen/1990) which is unofficially known as the 'Open Skies Policy'. This policy allows the private sector to run private television stations and also gives permission to the public to own satellite dishes. The 'Open Skies Policy' can be seen as a breakthrough in Indonesian media infrastructure because from 1962 to 1989, Indonesia had only one, state owned, television station-TVRI. Now, there are five private stations and numerous foreign television stations beamed through at least 400 thousand satellite dishes in the country. The number of telephones, however, has not yet exceeded 1.7 million. This thesis recognizes that the 'Open Skies Policy' deserves thorough analysis because it reflects a series of significant changes in the Indonesian governments development strategies. This thesis sets itself the following objectives: to overview major development communication paradigms and to consider which development paradigm works most effectively in the Indonesian context; to explain how 'development' has been conceptualized in Indonesia and how this has manifested in media policy; to analyse the implications of the 'Open Skies Policy' and to consider whether it represents a new direction in Indonesia's developmental policy making.

Promoting the quality of school education has been an issue of international, national and local significance in Australia over the past three decades. Since 1973 the pursuit of quality in school education has been embedded in the rhetoric of educational discourse and framed by the wider policy context. This study focuses on the Commonwealth (federal) government's policy agenda to promote the quality of schooling between 1987 and 1996. During this ten year period, successive Labor governments sought to promote quality through a range of policy initiatives and funding programs. Through extensive documentary research, fifty semi-structured interviews and one focus group with elite policy makers and stakeholders, the study examines how the Commonwealth government's 'quality agenda' was constructed and perceived. An analysis of relevant government reports and ministerial statements provides documentary evidence of this agenda, both in terms of stated policy intentions and the actual policy initiatives and funding programs set in place in the period 1987-1996. Set against this analysis are elite informants' perspectives on Commonwealth policy-making in this period - how quality was conceptualised as a policy construct and as a policy solution, the influences on Commonwealth policies for schools, whether there was a 'quality agenda' and how that agenda was constructed and implemented. Informants generally perceived quality as a diffuse, but all-encompassing concept which had symbolic and substantive value as a policy construct. In the context of Commonwealth schools' policies, quality was closely associated with promoting equity, outcomes, accountability, national consistency in schooling and teacher quality. Promoting the quality of 'teaching and learning' in Australian schools took on particular significance in the 1990s through a number of national policy initiatives brokered by the Commonwealth government. An exploration of policy processes through interview data reveals the multi-layered nature of policy-making in this period, involving key individuals, intergovernmental and national forums. In particular, it highlights the importance of a strong, reformist Commonwealth Minister (John Dawkins), a number of 'policy brokers' within and outside government and national collaboration in constructing and maintaining the Commonwealth's 'quality agenda' for schools. While several Australian education ii policy analysts have described policy-making in this period in terms of 'corporate federalism' (Lingard, 1991, 1998; Bartlett, Knight and Lingard, 1991; Lingard, O'Brien and Knight, 1993), a different perspective emerges from this study on policymaking at the national level. Despite unprecedented levels of national collaboration on matters related to schooling in this period, this research reveals an apparent ambivalence on the part of some elite policy makers towards the Commonwealth's policy agenda and its approach to schools' policy-making within the federal arena. Policy coherence emerged as a relevant issue in this study through analysis of interview data and a review of related Australian and international policy literature. Overall, informants perceived the Commonwealth's quality agenda to be relatively coherent in terms of policy intentions, but much less coherent in terms of policy implementation. Perceptions of Commonwealth domination, state parochialism, rivalry, delaying tactics and a general lack of trust and cooperation between policy players and stakeholders were cited as major obstacles to 'coherent' policy-making. An analysis of informants' views on policy-making in this period highlights features of coherent policy-making which have theoretical and practical significance in the Australian context. This research also demonstrates the benefits of going beyond the study of written policy texts to a richer analysis of recent policy history based on elite interviewing. The wide range of views offered by elite policy makers and stakeholders in this study both confirms and challenges established views about policy-making in the period 1987-1996. Elite interviewing lent itself to a grounded theory approach to data collection and analysis (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Strauss and Corbin, 1998). This approach was significant in that it allowed relevant issues to emerge in the process of research, rather than relying on 'up front' theoretical frameworks for the analysis of data.

This thesis critically examines the career and significance of America’s first Secretary of Defence James V. Forrestal from a post-Cold War perspective. Within traditional Cold War scholarship, Forrestal’s legacy is problematic. The nature of his role as a defence administrator, combined with his suicide in 1949, has led scholars to underestimate his significance and relegate his legacy to the occasional biography. The few studies that examine his contribution utilise conventional analytical approaches that fail to fully assess his policymaking impact. The end of the Cold War, however, has brought additional insight into the policy concerns that dominated the conflict, new analytical approaches to its scholarship and fresh material on which to base a re-assessment. As this thesis demonstrates, the employment of new methodologies to study Forrestal’s impact is long overdue. By drawing on theories specifically related to leadership and decision-making behaviour, this thesis brings a deeper, fuller understanding of Forrestal’s policy-making impact as a Cold War official through an examination of his professional conduct. Despite Forrestal’s many successes, political controversies surrounding his defence career overshadowed his many achievements. This thesis argues that such controversies were the result of Forrestal’s dedication as a public official, his policy-making and management styles, and the structure of his authority as defence secretary. They were not, as some have argued, the result of his ineffectiveness as a policy-maker, “hawkish” attitudes or declining mental health. His collapse, furthermore, was not the natural conclusion of any paranoid delusions or obsessive nature, but rather a result of Forrestal’s dedication to his work at the expense of his own health. This thesis undertakes a content analysis of Forrestal’s writings and an examination of his policy-making approach, concentrating on the evolution and execution of his policy advice and initiatives, as well as the structure of his authority as secretary of defence. It begins with a biographical overview of his life and public service career, as well as an assessment of existing Cold War scholarship and its general tendency to underestimate Forrestal’s significance. The components of his legacy are then analysed thematically, with chapters devoted to his foreign policy influence, his role in the unification controversy and his administrative efforts as defence secretary. Throughout, Forrestal’s career and significance is reassessed both in the application of new theoretical and methodological insights, and the analysis of recently declassified and reorganised documents, particularly the complete and unexpurgated version of Forrestal’s official diaries.

This thesis critically examines the career and significance of America’s first Secretary of Defence James V. Forrestal from a post-Cold War perspective. Within traditional Cold War scholarship, Forrestal’s legacy is problematic. The nature of his role as a defence administrator, combined with his suicide in 1949, has led scholars to underestimate his significance and relegate his legacy to the occasional biography. The few studies that examine his contribution utilise conventional analytical approaches that fail to fully assess his policymaking impact. The end of the Cold War, however, has brought additional insight into the policy concerns that dominated the conflict, new analytical approaches to its scholarship and fresh material on which to base a re-assessment. As this thesis demonstrates, the employment of new methodologies to study Forrestal’s impact is long overdue. By drawing on theories specifically related to leadership and decision-making behaviour, this thesis brings a deeper, fuller understanding of Forrestal’s policy-making impact as a Cold War official through an examination of his professional conduct. Despite Forrestal’s many successes, political controversies surrounding his defence career overshadowed his many achievements. This thesis argues that such controversies were the result of Forrestal’s dedication as a public official, his policy-making and management styles, and the structure of his authority as defence secretary. They were not, as some have argued, the result of his ineffectiveness as a policy-maker, “hawkish” attitudes or declining mental health. His collapse, furthermore, was not the natural conclusion of any paranoid delusions or obsessive nature, but rather a result of Forrestal’s dedication to his work at the expense of his own health. This thesis undertakes a content analysis of Forrestal’s writings and an examination of his policy-making approach, concentrating on the evolution and execution of his policy advice and initiatives, as well as the structure of his authority as secretary of defence. It begins with a biographical overview of his life and public service career, as well as an assessment of existing Cold War scholarship and its general tendency to underestimate Forrestal’s significance. The components of his legacy are then analysed thematically, with chapters devoted to his foreign policy influence, his role in the unification controversy and his administrative efforts as defence secretary. Throughout, Forrestal’s career and significance is reassessed both in the application of new theoretical and methodological insights, and the analysis of recently declassified and reorganised documents, particularly the complete and unexpurgated version of Forrestal’s official diaries.