Jungtinės Amerikos Valstijos (JAV) vis dar neabejotinai yra galingiausia pasaulio valstybė, todėl įvairiapusė šalies užsienio politikos analizė yra labai svarbi. JAV užsienio politika išsiskiria savo daugiavektoriškumu, kadangi šalis turi interesų visuose pasaulio regionuose, gali veikti įvairiomis priemonėmis. Politinės partijos, kaip demokratinės valstybės vidaus veikėjas, užsienio politikos procesų kontekste gali būti reikšmingas tuo atveju, jei valstybė turi platų spektrą lygiaverčių savo vaidmens tarptautinėje arenoje vizijų, o politinė sistema yra pilnai susiformavusi ir visiškai stabili. JAV yra būdingi abu šie aspektai, todėl pagrindinių šalies politinių partijų užsienio politikos nuostatų analizė yra labai aktuali. Pagrindinis šio darbo tyrimo objektas yra JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio politikos nuostatos. Svarbiausias tyrimo tikslas - išanalizuoti JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio politikos nuostatas bei jų kaitą 2000 – 2013 metų laikotarpiu. Darbe teigiama, jog JAV išsiskiria labai stipria prezidento institucija, kuriai suteikti įgaliojimai vadovauti visam užsienio politikos aparatui, tačiau Kongresas (kurį sudaro Atstovų Rūmai bei Senatas) taip pat turi įvairių politinių instrumentų varžyti ar palaikyti prezidento iniciatyvas. Dėl įtvirtintos JAV dvipartinės sistemos, Respublikonų ir Demokratų partijos yra plačios skirtingų interesų, visuomenės grupių koalicijos, o jų ideologinės nuostatos yra giliai įsišaknijusios į šalies politinę sistemą. Prezidentas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / United States of America (U.S.) is still undoubtedly the most powerful state in the world therefore diverse analysis of its foreign policy is very important. There is no doubt that U.S. tries to secure its current position using various foreign policy instruments. What can be called U.S. Grand Strategy depends on many external and internal factors and foreign policy visions of two main political parties of U.S. are not at last place. Political parties can possibly be important object of foreign policy analysis in case when state‘s democratic political system is fully functioning and state has many competing visions of its role in international arena. These features are typical of U.S. political system therefore analysis of foreign policy visions of state‘s two main political parties is very relevant. The main object of this research is foreign policy views of the Republican Party of United States. The main goal of this research is to analyse change of foreign policy views of the Republican Party in the period 2000 - 2013. U.S. political system is characterized by strong presidential institution that has authority to lead state‘s foreign policy. However U.S. Congress also has various political instruments that can be used to support or restrict initiatives of U.S. President. President is also the leading voice and leader of his political party and represents consensus of party‘s ideology. This research concludes that U.S. political parties are broad coalitions of various... [to full text]

Qu'est-ce qui amène un pays, à un moment donné de son histoire, à faire le choix d'augmenter la taille de son parc pénitentiaire, de mener une « politique des murs » ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous comparons deux pays qui ont suivi des voies différentes : le Canada et la France. S'il a souvent été affirmé dans la littérature des sciences sociales que la décision de construire des prisons relevait de circonstances politiques, peu de travaux l'ont prouvé, et notre thèse entend commencer à combler cette lacune. En nous appuyant sur la sociologie de la décision, nous avons analysé les structures qui donnent naissance aux réformes touchant à la prison, l'action des acteurs impliqués, leur participation à l'élaboration de référentiels de politique pénale, et la façon dont s'organisait la circulation des idées dans les milieux décisionnels. Combinant observation des chiffres des prisons, travail archivistique, consultation de la littérature grise de la politique pénale de 1980 à 2005, et entretiens semi-directifs auprès de responsables politico-administratifs des deux pays (et à plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement dans le cas du Canada), nous avons cherché à expliciter les représentations qui guidaient les acteurs dans la définition du contenu programmatique d'une politique pénale. Le type de problème sélectionné par les responsables politico-administratifs, la place de la sécurité à l'agenda politique, et la participation d'administrateurs dénués de préoccupations électoralistes à la formulation des énoncés de solution sont les principaux facteurs explicatifs de la taille du parc carcéral. In fine, la composition des milieux décisionnels, de même que la propension des élites à intégrer d'autres catégories d'acteurs (groupes d'intérêts, consultants et universitaires) suffisamment institutionnalisées pour influencer l'élaboration des référentiels d'action publique, auront permis d'expliquer les écarts dans les politiques de construction menées dans les deux pays. / What is it that drives a country, at some point in history, to make a choice to increase its custodial capacity and to realise a ‘policy of walls'? To answer this question, this thesis develops a comparison between two countries which, in this respect, have followed very different paths: Canada and France. Although it is often claimed in social science literature that the decision to build prisons was a response to specific political circumstances, very few studies have documented empirically the interplay between the policy-makers responsible and the institutional framework within which such choices were determined. This thesis aims to begin to eliminate this lacuna. Drawing on the sociology of decision-making, we have conducted analyses of the structures underlying prison reforms and scrutinized the actions of those members of the political class involved in the process, including the variety of policy advisers involved in the formulation of penal policy. Particular attention has been drawn on the circulation of ideas in decision-making milieux. Drawing on a combination of penal statistics, institutional archives, ‘Grey Literature' in penal policy from 1980 to 2005, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted with public officials from both countries (and at both levels of government in the case of Canada), the thesis highlights the views those involved in the implementation of reforms to the criminal justice system referred to when establishing specific penal policies' programmatic content. The type of problems defined by public officials, the role played by public safety issues in the political culture of both countries and openness to delegating solutions to reform-minded civil servants mostly account for changes in prison capacity. Finally, it is contended that it was the composition of the decision-making milieux taken together with the propensity of elites to absorb participants from differentiated sub-sectors (interests groups, consultants, academics, etc.) that are sufficiently institutionalized to influence the decision-making process), that explains the differences in prison building policies between the two countries.