This study looks at black empowerment in five rural Mississippi towns with black mayors by analyzing the impact they have had in attempting to alter the socioeconomic status of blacks in their respective towns. The following indicators were used to measure the political effectiveness of black mayors in reordering the socioeconomic status of blacks: (1) distribution of governmental services to the black community; (2) employment and economic development; (3) housing; and (4) health care. This study was initiated because of the recent changes in the political position of blacks in Mississippi and the American South in general. It was also Chief Oliver Anderson. 34 In May 1979, United States District Court Judge Orman R. Smith, Jr., awarded Crowe $10,000 in damages. And six months later Crowe was awarded $11,000 in attorney's fees and $1,363.97 in expenses for the suit he brought against city officials after he lost in the 1973 municipal election. A third case is pending in federal court alleging that Crowe was deprived of the right to be on the ballot in the 1977 city election, an election in which he ran for Alderman. The current suit further alleges that Mound Bayou officials denied many residents the right to vote in the 1977 municipal election. In addition, the suit charges that officials rigged the city voting machines to reject ballots that were not marked for a slate of candidates controlled by Mayor Lucas; as a result over 1,100 votes were invalid. The final intrablack conflict to be mentioned centers around a move to change the name of the local high school from John F. Kennedy Memorial High School back to its original name - Mound Bayou High School. In 1963, immediately; after the death of President John F. Kennedy, the Interview with Milburn Crowe, 10 March, 1980. undertaken because of the need to question those social scientists who accept the usual assumption that voting and black empowerment are prior conditions for changing the socioeconomic status of blacks in the American South. The findings of this study, however, reveal that voting and black empowerment will bring few changes in the socioeconomic makeup of the black community. In fact, the economic plight of black constituents and the fiscal situations of political subdivisions controlled by blacks will, in many cases, worsen.

Nesta tese objetivou-se identificar e analisar trajetórias de empoderamento político de mulheres que exercem funções de representatividade e suas compreensões sobre desenvolvimento local. O recorte analítico é qualitativo e fundamentou-se nos conceitos de empoderamento, chances de vida, capacitações e estado de confiança. O universo de pesquisa foram mulheres que assumiram cargos de prefeitas, vice-prefeitas e vereadoras no Rio Grande do Sul, nas eleições de 2012. Também, buscou-se conhecimentos sobre o assunto com informantes qualificados, totalizando trinta e quatro pessoas entrevistadas por meio de um roteiro que abrangeu os seguintes aspectos: a trajetória familiar, educacional e profissional; a trajetória política, a participação em organizações de grupo; atuação na política, o estilo de fazer política; os significados e os compromissos com o desenvolvimento local; a participação política da mulher; e o estado de confiança e as expectativas do futuro na política. Os resultados demonstraram que a mulher ingressa na política por três vias: pela qualificação profissional, pela participação em movimentos sociais e para ajudar amigos e família; atua na política com especificidades da esfera privada, e sua compreensão de desenvolvimento local não distancia de seu entendimento de bem-estar em casa; não separa sua vivência em família com a atuação na política, dobrando sua carga de compromissos e atividades; suas expectativas quanto ao futuro político não são de continuidade, apesar de afirmar que está atuando muito bem na política. Com isso, concluiu-se que, além de traçar trajetórias diferentes, as mulheres atuam na política de forma diferente dos homens, por não conseguirem separar a vida privada da pública. Ou seja, jogam as regras que foram elaboradas por homens, mas de forma que a esfera privada não se distancie da pública. Não somam um número que representa uma massa crítica capaz de alterar relação de poder, mas quando estão no poder compreendem o desenvolvimento local como processo de construção de bem estar às pessoas, o qual inclui os cuidados com a cidade, o acolhimento às pessoas e ruas com muitas flores. / The present study aims to identify and analyze trajectories of womens’s political empowerment, that have representative roles, and their understanding about the local development. The analysis is qualitative and it is based in empowerment's concepts, life's chances, abilities and self confidence. The investigation took into account women that were mayors, vice-mayors and councilwomen in the state of Rio Grande do Sul in 2012 elections. Also, the information about the subject came from qualified people, thirty four people was interviewed with a script that included the following aspects: familiar, educational, professional and political ones, participation in goups organizations, performance in politics, the way of working in politics, the meanings and the commitment in relation to local development, women's participation in politic, conditions to gender equality, their self confidence and their expectations in politics. The results demonstrated that women joined to politics due to three vias: their professional competence, participation in social activities and to assist their friends and family. They work in politic with specificities from their private lives, and their understanding about local development is similar to their understanding about welfare at home, they do not separate their family living from their political performance, they duplicate their activities and commitments, they do not have expectations to continue in politics, in spite of their good work in this area, according to their opinion. Therefore, the conclusion is that woman work in a different way in relation to man, because they can not separate their private lives from their public ones. In other words, they work according to the rules created by men in this area, but in a way that their private lives do not stay away from their public one. These women are the rate that represent a critical mass that can not change the power relation, but when they are in the power position they understand the local development as a process of construction of welfare to people, which includes the care of the city, welcoming people and streets with lots of flowers.

Nesta tese objetivou-se identificar e analisar trajetórias de empoderamento político de mulheres que exercem funções de representatividade e suas compreensões sobre desenvolvimento local. O recorte analítico é qualitativo e fundamentou-se nos conceitos de empoderamento, chances de vida, capacitações e estado de confiança. O universo de pesquisa foram mulheres que assumiram cargos de prefeitas, vice-prefeitas e vereadoras no Rio Grande do Sul, nas eleições de 2012. Também, buscou-se conhecimentos sobre o assunto com informantes qualificados, totalizando trinta e quatro pessoas entrevistadas por meio de um roteiro que abrangeu os seguintes aspectos: a trajetória familiar, educacional e profissional; a trajetória política, a participação em organizações de grupo; atuação na política, o estilo de fazer política; os significados e os compromissos com o desenvolvimento local; a participação política da mulher; e o estado de confiança e as expectativas do futuro na política. Os resultados demonstraram que a mulher ingressa na política por três vias: pela qualificação profissional, pela participação em movimentos sociais e para ajudar amigos e família; atua na política com especificidades da esfera privada, e sua compreensão de desenvolvimento local não distancia de seu entendimento de bem-estar em casa; não separa sua vivência em família com a atuação na política, dobrando sua carga de compromissos e atividades; suas expectativas quanto ao futuro político não são de continuidade, apesar de afirmar que está atuando muito bem na política. Com isso, concluiu-se que, além de traçar trajetórias diferentes, as mulheres atuam na política de forma diferente dos homens, por não conseguirem separar a vida privada da pública. Ou seja, jogam as regras que foram elaboradas por homens, mas de forma que a esfera privada não se distancie da pública. Não somam um número que representa uma massa crítica capaz de alterar relação de poder, mas quando estão no poder compreendem o desenvolvimento local como processo de construção de bem estar às pessoas, o qual inclui os cuidados com a cidade, o acolhimento às pessoas e ruas com muitas flores. / The present study aims to identify and analyze trajectories of womens’s political empowerment, that have representative roles, and their understanding about the local development. The analysis is qualitative and it is based in empowerment's concepts, life's chances, abilities and self confidence. The investigation took into account women that were mayors, vice-mayors and councilwomen in the state of Rio Grande do Sul in 2012 elections. Also, the information about the subject came from qualified people, thirty four people was interviewed with a script that included the following aspects: familiar, educational, professional and political ones, participation in goups organizations, performance in politics, the way of working in politics, the meanings and the commitment in relation to local development, women's participation in politic, conditions to gender equality, their self confidence and their expectations in politics. The results demonstrated that women joined to politics due to three vias: their professional competence, participation in social activities and to assist their friends and family. They work in politic with specificities from their private lives, and their understanding about local development is similar to their understanding about welfare at home, they do not separate their family living from their political performance, they duplicate their activities and commitments, they do not have expectations to continue in politics, in spite of their good work in this area, according to their opinion. Therefore, the conclusion is that woman work in a different way in relation to man, because they can not separate their private lives from their public ones. In other words, they work according to the rules created by men in this area, but in a way that their private lives do not stay away from their public one. These women are the rate that represent a critical mass that can not change the power relation, but when they are in the power position they understand the local development as a process of construction of welfare to people, which includes the care of the city, welcoming people and streets with lots of flowers.

Nesta tese objetivou-se identificar e analisar trajetórias de empoderamento político de mulheres que exercem funções de representatividade e suas compreensões sobre desenvolvimento local. O recorte analítico é qualitativo e fundamentou-se nos conceitos de empoderamento, chances de vida, capacitações e estado de confiança. O universo de pesquisa foram mulheres que assumiram cargos de prefeitas, vice-prefeitas e vereadoras no Rio Grande do Sul, nas eleições de 2012. Também, buscou-se conhecimentos sobre o assunto com informantes qualificados, totalizando trinta e quatro pessoas entrevistadas por meio de um roteiro que abrangeu os seguintes aspectos: a trajetória familiar, educacional e profissional; a trajetória política, a participação em organizações de grupo; atuação na política, o estilo de fazer política; os significados e os compromissos com o desenvolvimento local; a participação política da mulher; e o estado de confiança e as expectativas do futuro na política. Os resultados demonstraram que a mulher ingressa na política por três vias: pela qualificação profissional, pela participação em movimentos sociais e para ajudar amigos e família; atua na política com especificidades da esfera privada, e sua compreensão de desenvolvimento local não distancia de seu entendimento de bem-estar em casa; não separa sua vivência em família com a atuação na política, dobrando sua carga de compromissos e atividades; suas expectativas quanto ao futuro político não são de continuidade, apesar de afirmar que está atuando muito bem na política. Com isso, concluiu-se que, além de traçar trajetórias diferentes, as mulheres atuam na política de forma diferente dos homens, por não conseguirem separar a vida privada da pública. Ou seja, jogam as regras que foram elaboradas por homens, mas de forma que a esfera privada não se distancie da pública. Não somam um número que representa uma massa crítica capaz de alterar relação de poder, mas quando estão no poder compreendem o desenvolvimento local como processo de construção de bem estar às pessoas, o qual inclui os cuidados com a cidade, o acolhimento às pessoas e ruas com muitas flores. / The present study aims to identify and analyze trajectories of womens’s political empowerment, that have representative roles, and their understanding about the local development. The analysis is qualitative and it is based in empowerment's concepts, life's chances, abilities and self confidence. The investigation took into account women that were mayors, vice-mayors and councilwomen in the state of Rio Grande do Sul in 2012 elections. Also, the information about the subject came from qualified people, thirty four people was interviewed with a script that included the following aspects: familiar, educational, professional and political ones, participation in goups organizations, performance in politics, the way of working in politics, the meanings and the commitment in relation to local development, women's participation in politic, conditions to gender equality, their self confidence and their expectations in politics. The results demonstrated that women joined to politics due to three vias: their professional competence, participation in social activities and to assist their friends and family. They work in politic with specificities from their private lives, and their understanding about local development is similar to their understanding about welfare at home, they do not separate their family living from their political performance, they duplicate their activities and commitments, they do not have expectations to continue in politics, in spite of their good work in this area, according to their opinion. Therefore, the conclusion is that woman work in a different way in relation to man, because they can not separate their private lives from their public ones. In other words, they work according to the rules created by men in this area, but in a way that their private lives do not stay away from their public one. These women are the rate that represent a critical mass that can not change the power relation, but when they are in the power position they understand the local development as a process of construction of welfare to people, which includes the care of the city, welcoming people and streets with lots of flowers.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the gender equality in Mpasa Community in Malawi by measuring the access to work, education, health, and political empowerment as measurements. An investigation of how the pre-colonial social structure, based on matriarchy, will determine to what extent the cultural factors affects gender equality. This thesis is based on observations made possible through a minor field study scholarship financed by SIDA in 2013. Previous research and theories are used as framework for the thesis. The Malawian Parliament, consisting of mainly men, passing a gender equality bill hoping to empower women and increase female political representation is evidence of willingness to improve the current living situation of women and girls. It turns out the degree of gender equality is high for such an underdeveloped country as Malawi and the cultural factors do have a big impact on the political development. Inequality does occur in the field of political participation investigated at chief level in the district and matriarchy seems to be the underlying social structure that sets the norms and rules.

No description available.

This research explores Palestinian refugee women’s political rights through a broader examination of the gender dynamics in one refugee camp in Lebanon. Using two focus groups and individual interviews with 20 women, the research highlights the patriarchal and colonial structures that dominate the women’s lives, preventing them not only from engaging in political activities, but also hindering their opportunities for work and socialization outside their immediate familial spheres. The political disillusionment within the researched and broader Palestinian community, as a result of the encroaching project of Empire as defined by Hardt and Negri, has created a divided Palestinian cause, a failed youth, and a society attempting to hold on to its identity. However, along with that comes the oppression of a sub-section of that society – the women; the remaining possession that the men have. Women who previously engaged in armed resistance have not advanced politically, socially, or economically – and in fact the history of their struggles are being erased as surely as their land is. Nonetheless, pockets of resistance – a Multitude – of women, agents in their own fates, are fighting the current towards a more emancipatory future for themselves and future Palestinian men and women.

This study aims to account for variation on women’s political empowerment in localities during wartime. I draw upon political ideologies and civilian-armed group interaction literature to argue that gender ideologies could explain why some conflict-affected areas have more women’s political empowerment than others. I argue that gender egalitarian ideologies in armed groups leads to specific organizational structure and political discourse where women are allowed to take leadership and political-related roles within the armed groups. More specifically, I argue that gender egalitarian armed groups not only encourage women to take public roles within their group but also to engage in politics in communities under their territorial control through four strategies: ideological meetings, penetration of social and political organization, establishment of social behaviors and infiltration in electoral politics. I test this argument using quantitative sub-national data looking at territorial control of non-state armed groups and number female mayor candidates in Colombia from 1997 to 2007. I expect that guerrilla areas, are more likely to have more female candidates compared with paramilitary areas. Surprisingly, I found an opposite direction, where paramilitary areas have more female candidates compared with guerrilla areas. I offer an alternative explanation based on the qualitative sources in order to account for the unexpected findings.

This research explores Palestinian refugee women’s political rights through a broader examination of the gender dynamics in one refugee camp in Lebanon. Using two focus groups and individual interviews with 20 women, the research highlights the patriarchal and colonial structures that dominate the women’s lives, preventing them not only from engaging in political activities, but also hindering their opportunities for work and socialization outside their immediate familial spheres. The political disillusionment within the researched and broader Palestinian community, as a result of the encroaching project of Empire as defined by Hardt and Negri, has created a divided Palestinian cause, a failed youth, and a society attempting to hold on to its identity. However, along with that comes the oppression of a sub-section of that society – the women; the remaining possession that the men have. Women who previously engaged in armed resistance have not advanced politically, socially, or economically – and in fact the history of their struggles are being erased as surely as their land is. Nonetheless, pockets of resistance – a Multitude – of women, agents in their own fates, are fighting the current towards a more emancipatory future for themselves and future Palestinian men and women.

The rapid economic development in China has successfully drawn a worldwide attention and benefit its population, with a average 8 percentage GDP growth rate every year and 500 million people out of poverty. While a large number of people are seeking for the reason why economic achievement in China has been so dramatic and unprecedented, less people show solicitude for Chinese women`s condition and empowerment.    Women as a worldwide vulnerable group, their well-being need to be taken into consideration during the process of developing economy. In China, female population accounts for 48.47 percentage (633.2 million) of entire population. Under the big picture of economic prosperity, the author found that Chinese people`s living condition has advanced largely, the popularization of basic education and medical service has benefit the vast majority people, meanwhile, people can be more involved in political process to express their opinions. However, women are benefited disproportionately but still less empowered than men are. Moreover, since China is a geographically large country, the economic development has shown some regional characteristic, that means, in southeastern China, due to the convenient traffic condition, such as harbors, economic development process is faster than in northwestern China, where traffic and natural conditions are both weak. Would that cause a unequal empowered situation between women from different economic developed regions?   Women has been paid less attention through the history of China, let alone different conditions of women in different regions. In this thesis, the author will describe women`s different empowered situation in rural and urban regions of China, via a capability approach viewpoint, and discussion of whether there is a regional pattern will be based on (Dis) Empowerment model.