Diploma thesis is focused on the issue of the information warfare in context of debate about modern warfare. Firstly, thesis presented the debate of modern ways of warfare, which consists concepts such as hybrid warfare, non-linear warfare etc. Then presented three main concepts of information warfare in the context of this debate and within the three centres of contemporary power in the world (West, Russia and China). Western concept clearly separating war and peace, Russian complex concept of hybrid-information war and Chinese concept of three warafres. Subsequently, the thesis develops a thesis on the securitization of information warfare in the western environment (EU and NATO states). Securitization is understood as a rhetorical act that presents a phenomenon as a major security threat. In the context of the West, the information warfare has been to some extent securitized. This whole securitization is problematic if we look at the information warfare as a normal state of international relations, which are inherently conflicting and anarchic.

In 1953 President Dwight D. Eisenhower charged an ad hoc advisory group with assessing the current U.S. Cold War effort and offering recommendations for an 'unified and dynamic' way forward. This work investigates the case of Eisenhower's Presidential Committee on International Information Activities and its role in the United States' approach to the Cold War. Problematizing that which is often taken for granted, this empirical, interpretive study uncovers the discursive conditions of possibility for and the discursive activities taking place within Jackson Committee decision making processes. Employing a constructivist discursive framework, this project builds on an understanding of policy making as a process of argumentation in which actors intersubjectively define problems and delimit policy and strategy options. Revealing discursive conditions of possibility enables a deeper understanding of the substance, tensions and discursive maneuvers informing subsequent U.S. strategy and policy choices during the Cold War and may offer insights into understanding and addressing geopolitical challenges in the 21st century. The thick analytic narrative illuminates the 'witcraft' involved in conceptualizing the unique threat posed by the Soviet Union whose practices challenged existing categories, and in extending wartime discourses to the post-war geopolitical environment. It examines discursive practices informing the nascent concepts of national strategy, psychological warfare, and political warfare, including arguments for constituent elements and relationships between them. In so doing, this dissertation conceptualizes national strategy as practices underpinning a prioritized drive for competitive advantage over adversaries. Additionally, political warfare represents practices intended to create and present alternatives to foreign actors that are in the U.S. interest through the integration and coordination of diplomatic, economic, military, and informational activities. Based on its conceptualization of a long-term adversarial competition with the Soviet Union, the committee recommended solutions for a sustainable national strategy of political warfare prioritizing the free world and liberal world order. Its recommendations sought to recast strategic panic into strategic patience. / Ph. D. / Within geopolitics, threats sometimes emerge that policymakers consider unique because of their goals and/or methods for challenging the status quo, including communicating directly with foreign populations to confuse or gain support. These can be periods of strategic panic and conceptual confusion as policymakers, the press, and even academics work to classify these new threats and develop appropriate responses. The reasoning process usually begins by using familiar categories which individuals extend through storytelling and debates as a means to develop a shared understanding and language to describe the new geopolitical situation and possible policy options. Today the Cold War seems like a familiar and well-understood competition between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. However, in the early post-World War II years, policymakers wrestled with understanding and addressing Soviet actions, including Communist propaganda activities throughout the world. In 1953 President Dwight D. Eisenhower asked an ad hoc advisory group to assess the Cold War situation and offer new “unified and dynamic” ways for securing the United States and advancing U.S. interests. This research examines the advisory Jackson Committee’s rhetorical activities informing its recommendations for a national strategy of political warfare that would create and offer alternatives to foreign populations that were in the U.S. interest. The Committee recommended prioritizing the development of a liberal world order as a way to gain a competitive advantage over the Soviet Union and the Communist bloc. It offered solutions for directing and mobilizing integrated and coordinated national activities across diplomacy, economics, information, and the military. Additionally, the Committee envisioned the possibility of inspiring and guiding quotidian societal activities to reinforce the foundations of the aspirational world order. This study stems from the premise that understanding how recommendations come about are as important as the recommendations themselves. Illuminating meanings and practices considered during the policy making process can provide insights into subsequent substance and tensions within national security strategies and policies. To do so, this study re-creates a narrative of the storytelling and debates involved in defining workable problems, addressing conceptual confusion, and developing solutions deemed sustainable over the “long-haul.”

隨著中國大陸日益增加對非洲事務的參與，中國大陸與非洲之間關係的研究受到前所未有的重視。雖然學界已有相當多關於中非關係的研究，但對於北京在達佛（Darfur）危機中所扮演的角色仍缺乏探討。因此，為了彌補現有文獻的不足，本論文對達佛危機進行更全面性的瞭解，更重要的是，本論文將從非洲的角度出發，追蹤並分析從2003年起迄今中國大陸在處理達佛危機中所扮演的角色。 達佛隸屬於一個自後殖民時代起就戰亂頻仍、擁有不斷自相殘殺歷史的國家—蘇丹。該地區暴力的多樣性、衝突型態的複雜度、盤根錯節的內戰起因、以及人道危機的暴行，皆讓蘇丹的達佛充滿著許多不穩定因素。 然而，正是在這樣的政治社會脈絡下，北京政府不顧國際社會要求停止對北蘇丹政權（Khartoum）援助的呼籲，做出對達佛投資以促進中國大陸國家利益的決定，儘管北蘇丹政權仍在達佛地區進行近似種族滅絕(genocide)的毀滅性戰爭。 藉由探討中國大陸對北蘇丹政權的支持是否間接造成達佛地區的人道危機，本論文旨在檢視中國大陸在達佛地區武裝衝突所涉及的面向，以及中國大陸在處理該地區危機中所扮演的角色。 關鍵字: 蘇丹、達佛、中國大陸、人道危機、政治性策略戰爭、衝突管理。 / With the growing presence of Mainland China in Africa, relations between the two continents have increasingly been the subject of unprecedented scrutiny. Although the Sino-African relations are largely covered by the mass media, they, however, remain under-researched especially with respect to the role played by Beijing in the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Our dissertation seeks therefore to fill out such gap by providing a comprehensive understanding of the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Darfur, and more importantly by tracing, based upon an African perspective, the role that China has played in the management of the humanitarian crisis in Darfur from 2003 to contemporary days. Darfur is a region which is part of a country that has been at war with itself through the entire history of its post-colonial journey. The multiplicity then of the fighting movements in the region, the complexity of the configuration of the conflicts, the interconnectivity of the underlying causes of the civil war, and the atrocity of the humanitarian crisis have made Sudan, and Darfur specifically, a volatile composite region. Nevertheless, it is in such a socio-political landscape that China has decided to invest and advance its national interest defying the international community’s calls for Beijing to end its assistance to Khartoum which has been conducting a destructive war akin to ‘genocide’ over Darfur. With the intention to examine whether China is underwriting the genocide in Darfur by backing Khartoum, the core purpose of our dissertation would, indeed, be to figure out what has, in fact, been the Chinese dimension in armed conflicts in Darfur and the role played by Mainland China in the management of the humanitarian crisis in the region. Key words: Sudan – Darfur – Mainland China – Humanitarian Crisis – Strategic Political Warfare – Conflict Management

國軍為社會之一環，也必須隨著社會進步，積極提昇人員的本質學能，才不致於為社會所淘汱，國軍自85年「精實案」後，93年再實施「精進案」，其所透露的訊息即是國人希望國軍部隊是一個「質精，量小，戰力強」的勁旅，在未來的人員逐漸遞減，國防業務依舊繁重的情況下，國軍幹部必須大幅提升個人工作能力及效率，才足以應付各項挑戰。目前既有的軍事教育體系所無法一時滿足的，準此，國防部積極推動「終身學習制度」並以學費補助配套措施為誘因，鼓勵國軍幹部利用公餘進修，希望能將所習得的知識運用於工作上，大幅提昇工作效率。 　　我空軍二代兵力自86年起相繼成軍，高科技精密武器與裝備業已順利獲得，而戰力之發揮，有賴我空軍官兵高素質人員之操作，如此方可發揮我空軍最大戰力，因此，解決迫切的人員素質提昇，便是空軍幹部「終身學習」的重要課題。 空軍政戰軍官在未實施精進案第二階段組織調整前，雖佔空軍軍官人數的十分之一（約1000餘人），未來精進案組織調整定編後，可能更少於這個數字。然而，其分佈於空軍每一個層級，小至排、連級，大至師、軍團及總部級，只要有官兵的地方，一定就有政戰軍官在列。　　空軍政戰軍官已參與終身學習，雖有逐年增加，但比例仍算少，如何瞭解影響空軍政戰軍官終身學習的真正原因，進而提昇空軍政戰軍官終身學習意願，除對提昇空軍整體終身學習具有指標作用外，對空軍未來發展將有重大影響。 　本研究擬對空軍政戰軍官終身學習影響相關因素，做一分析探討，並針對其影響因素提出具體建議，以為學術單位及空軍組織提供終身學習政策之參考，主要研究目的有以下四點： 一、瞭解空軍終身學習制度是否週全。 二、大學院校終身學習管道能否配合空軍政策需求。 三、空軍政戰幹部個人及組織單位、家庭狀況及社會關係等問題，影　 　　響其終身學習意願程度如何。 四、將研究結果做成具體建議，以為空軍組織及學術單位提供終身學 　　習環境與政策之參考。 　　最後依據研究結論，提出以下建議： 一、對國軍終身學習主管機關的建議 （一）貫徹「上下班制」，有助終身學習參與 （二）提高「學費補助」，促進終身學習參與 （三）加強「終身學習」政策推廣與宣導 二、對教育機構的建議 （一）進修科目排定，以進修者實需考量 （二）課程時間安排，採彈性化調整 （三）教學地點設置，採增設或彈性調整 三、對單位組織的建議 （一）主官（管）支持，鼓勵參與進修 （二）開放連結網際網路，增進資料蒐集 四、對個人及社會的建議 （一）充實本職學能，提昇國軍戰力 （二）爭取社會支持，獲得進修動力 / The Armed Forces, one part of the society, should actively enhance each individual’s profession in order not to be knocked out. After “Jingshih Program (The ROC Armed Forces Strengthening Program)” in 1996, the Armed Forces brought “Jingjin Program (The ROC Armed Forces Refining Program)” into practice in 2004. These moves meant that all ROC’s citizens expect the Military to be an armed force with “refined quality, low quantity and strong power.” In the future, military faculty is in gradual reduction but national defense affairs are still burdensome; therefore, in order to tackle all challenges, every cadre has to advance his personal working ability and efficiency in great deal. Presently, educational system in the army couldn’t satisfy the need. Because of this, the Ministry of National Defense (MND) actively sets ”Lifelong Learning System” into practice and provides tuition subvention as a seducing motive, encouraging all cadres go for advanced study on holidays. MND hopes all cadres to utilize their acquired knowledge in their works, consequently enhancing working efficiency. The second generational forces in Air-Force were formed since 1997. We also obtain high-tech weapons and equipments successfully. It still depends on the operation of all Air-Force members with high quality. In this way, Air-Force could bring its fighting power into full play. Accordingly, the significant problem of “Lifelong Learning” in Air-Force cadres is to solve the urgent enhance of personal quality. Before the second phase organizational modulation in Jingjin Program, political warfare officers were only 1/10 (about 1000 people) of all officers in Air-Force. In the future, the number would be less after the organizational modulation in Jingjin Program. However, political warfare officers are in every order in Air-Force, from a platoon and a company to a division, a legion and even the Headquarter; wherever there are officers and soldiers, there are political warfare officers. The number of political warfare officers in Air-Force who go for advanced study increases year by year, but it grows in low proportion. To understand the real reasons that affect lifelong learning in political warfare officers in Air-Force and to improve their will to learn would play the role as a directional function in enhancing the whole lifelong learning in Air-Force and have great influence on the future development in Air-Force. This research aims to do analysis and discussion about the relating factors that affect the lifelong learning for political warfare officers in Air-Force. To supply academic institutes and Air-Force organizations with the information concerning policies about lifelong learning, the research lists some practical suggestions by integrating those effecting factors. Four main objectives of this research are as follow: I. To understand if lifelong learning system in Air force is thorough. II. To know if the ways to lifelong learning in all colleges could meet the needs of Air-Force political policy. III. To see how personal problems, organizations, family situations and social relationship affect Air-Force political warfare officers’ will to lifelong learning. IV. To provide Air-Force organizations and academic institutes with information about lifelong learning environment and policy after summing up some practical suggestions based on the research results. Last, I offer some suggestions according to the conclusion: I. Suggestions about the military lifelong learning for the authoring institute: (I) Implement of “Working Hours from 9 to 5” helps participation in lifelong learning. (II) The increase of “tuition subvention” stimulates participation in lifelong learning. (III) Promotion and propaganda of lifelong learning policy. II. Suggestions for educational institutes: (I) Arrangements of learning subjects must meet the learners’ practical needs. (II) Schemes of timetables should be flexible. (III) Arrangements for teaching locations should be in larger quantity or in flexibility. III. Suggestions for the authority: (I) Support for the authority stimulates the participation in advanced study. (II) Free Internet connection helps data collection. IV. Suggestions for individuals and the society: (I) Fullfill personal profession to improve fighting power in the armed forces. (II) Gain social support to motivate advanced study. Keywords: The Armed Forces cadres,Lifelong Learning of the Armed Forces cadres,Lifelong Learning of the Armed Forces,Political Warfare Officers,Effecting Factors of Lifelong Learning