What are the conditions under which terrorist groups turn to party politics? Under what conditions do political parties turn to terrorism? What types of political groups are more likely to turn to or from terrorism? Answers to these questions provide new insights into explanations for the formation of linkages between political parties and terrorist groups. While political parties and terrorist groups are often differentiated by the tactics they employ, empirical evidence shows that these political groups sometimes shift tactics, making use of violent and nonviolent tactics either concurrently or consecutively. Shifts between violent and nonviolent tactics occur when a political party supports, creates, or becomes a terrorist group and when a terrorist group supports, creates, or becomes a political party. Cases in which terrorist groups turn to party politics have been addressed in the literature, most often in the form of case studies. Less attention has been paid to the more numerous cases of political parties forming linkages with terrorist groups. Both types of tactical shifts are under-studied and under-theorized. This dissertation fills a gap in the largely separate literatures on political parties and terrorism through an analysis of international-, state-, and group-level factors associated with the formation of party-terror linkages and a discussion of the implications of these factors for the construction of a more general theory of political group adaptation. / text

Išsilaisvinus iš sovietų okupacijos, Lietuvos įstatymų leidėjai į šalies teisinę sistemą inkorporavo konvencijos Dėl kelio užkirtimo genocido nusikaltimui ir baudimo už jį nuostatas. Be to, siekiant nubausti asmenis, kaltus už okupacijos metu vykdytus nusikaltimus, į genocido apibrėžimą buvo įtrauktos taip pat politinės bei socialinės grupės. Tačiau toks Lietuvos įstatymų leidėjų žingsnis praplėtė tarptautinėje teisėje įtvirtintą genocido apibrėžimą, kuriame numatoma, jog genocidu siekiama visiškai ar iš dalies sunaikinti nacionalinę, etninę, rasinę ar religinę grupę, taigi ne politinę ar socialinę grupę. Pagal tarptautinės teisės principą nullum crimen sine lege niekas negali būti baudžiamas už nusikaltimą, kuris jo darymo metu nebuvo draudžiamas įstatymu. Šiame darbe siekiama nustatyti ar Lietuvos teisinėje sistemoje įtvtirtintas išplėstinis genocido sudėties apibrėžimas nepažeidžia principo nullum crimen sine lege. Darbą sudaro trys pagrindinės dalys, kuriose atskleidžiami nagrinėjamos problemos teoriniai bei praktiniai aspektai. Pirmojoje dalyje nagrinėjamas genocido apibrėžimas, priežastys kodėl politinės ir socialinės grupės nebuvo įtrauktos į Genocido konvenciją bei analizuojama kitų šalių praktika apibrėžiant genocido veiką. Politinės ir socialinės grupės į konvenciją nebuvo įtrauktos dėl politinių priežasčių, iškilus tam tikrų šalių prieštaravimams. Tačiau Lietuva ne vienintelė įtraukė šias grupes į savo įstatymus, tai rodo, kad ne vien Lietuvai svarbi šių grupių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Genocide is described as one of the most severe crimes of the international law. After the Second World War international community decided to codify international law and the general principles of the law recognized by civilized nations. The United Nations enacted The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The convention stated that genocide crime is described as acts against national, ethnic, racial or religious group. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many countries including Lithuania got back their independence. Lithuania’s legislators incorporated the norms of the Genocide convention into the state’s legal system. Besides these norms legislators also included social and political groups into the definition of genocide crime. It was done in order to punish persons, who were responsible for the criminal offense against Lithuania’s citizen during soviet occupation. The decision that states legislators made extended the definition of genocide crime established in international law, which defines genocide as the acts against national, ethnic, racial or religious group, but not against social or political group. Under international principle nullum crimen sine lege a person should not face criminal punishment except for an act that was criminalized by law before he performed the act. In this work it is aimed to determine whether the extended genocide structure established in Lithuanian legal system does not violate principle nullum... [to full text]

The main purpose of my thesis entitled "The legislative process - the role of Members of Parliament" is to analyze the process of preparing, making and passing laws by the Parliament of the Czech Republic, focusing on the role of Members of Parliament in the legislative process (including comparisons between members of the coalition, opposition and non- attached) and provide a comparison theory, therefore, the possibility of the constitution and other laws and actual practice.

The goal of this diploma thesis is to define the European political parties. The thesis has been divided into five chapters, which are further subdivided. The reason why I have chosen this topic is quite simple - to analyse the current status of the European political parties and introduce them to wider audience not to be confused anymore with political groups in the European Parliament. In the first chapter the thesis brings a brief definition of the legal constitution of political groups in the European Parliament. For many years there has been confusion between the concept of a European political party and political group, so the thesis defines the political groups and its position in the European Parliament in order to create a basis for their differentiation from the European political parties. The second chapter is devoted to create a definition of the European political party and to bring the legal regulation of the European political parties. The thesis focuses also on the variability of their legal base in the treaties of the European Union (legal base before the Treaty of Lisbon, legal base in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and legal base in the Treaty of Lisbon). The third chapter is dedicated to legal issues of the European political parties. Emphasis was put on...

The thesis is a study devoted to the changes of the Group of the European People's Party in the European Parliament (EPP) with focus on the situation after election in 2009. The main aim of the thesis is to find an answer to the question, whether the position of current EPP has been weaken after the election of 2009 and after the split of ED. This is reached through comparison current EPP's position with its position in legislative period 2004 -- 2009. In order to verify or to disprove this question we apply various points of view. First, we analyze historical development of political groups and their legal conditions. Afterwards, we deal with development of EPP Group to its current form and define its fundamental characteristics. The basis for the analysis of change of EPP's position after election in 2009 is the description of the EPP's situation after this election. We compare the position of EPP (EPP-ED) in both mentioned periods by means of four indicators (size, number of mandates, occupation of key posts, coherence and loyalty in voting and ability building coalitions). Resulting evaluation of single indicators provide us with the answer to the question, how the EPP's position has changed after election in 2009.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-02T20:06:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSÉ MARCIANO MONTEIRO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2009..pdf: 25360236 bytes, checksum: 4c6b3e5f7855e597f161ebfedad4e947 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T20:06:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSÉ MARCIANO MONTEIRO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2009..pdf: 25360236 bytes, checksum: 4c6b3e5f7855e597f161ebfedad4e947 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03 / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os discursos e as práticas que permitiram a perpetuação do poder local da família Ernesto-Rêgo no município de Queimadas – PB. Analisa o exercício do domínio político por mais de quatro gerações no município e as razões pelas quais a política queimadense, desde o seu processo de emancipação, tem apresentado em suas disputas eleitorais ao cargo executivo, uma forte presença e definindo, a seu favor, a continuidade do poder no interior do grupo familiar ou de seus prepostos. Objetiva-se responder às seguintes questões: Através de que práticas se instituíram tal dominação? Qual a origem genealógica dessa família e seus ramos parentais? Quais as formas ou maneiras dessas famílias realizarem as ações políticas locais? Para responder a estas questões, em termos metodológicos, fez-se uso do trabalho de campo e da história oral, recorrendo principalmente, à memória, através de entrevistas abertas; outra fonte de pesquisa foram os jornais, vídeos e pesquisa bibliográfica. E como fio teórico condutor da análise, a abordagem de Pierre Bourdieu, a partir de sua proposta de Sociologia da Prática, pautada na noção de campo, habitus e capitais, atravessa todo o texto analítico. O texto assim, discorre sobre a genealogia desta família, tentando compreender os capitais que, historicamente, foram sendo construídos. E associado a isto, a dominação política que esta família foi exercendo através dos capitais construídos historicamente e das práticas e ações desenvolvidas localmente. Capitais estes que estão relacionados ao “nome da família”, a posse de terras, as práticas e ações que dizem respeito às relações de compadrio e as trocas de favores na sociedade queimadense. Desta feita, constatou-se que a dominação política local se estabelece a partir das ações de dependência construídas por aqueles que são detentores de um maior quantum de capital possível em relação àqueles que são desprovidos de capital. Fato que permite concluir que a dominação política exercida por esta família a partir das relações de compadrio e das relações de favores, é quem constroem os laços sentimentais e pragmáticos que ligam as pessoas à liderança, e a dependência política se traduz na triste frase “eu devo favor”, o que significa uma forma de gratidão, uma dívida cujo preço é a fidelidade sem limites, que pode resultar na possibilidade constante de subordinação pessoal e familiar, ou seja, na mais profunda violência simbólica. / The present dissertation objectives to analyze the discourses and the practices that allowed the perpetuation of local power of the family Ernesto-Rêgo in the city of Queimadas - PB. Analyzes the exercise of politic domain extended for more than four generations in the city and the reasons why politic of Queimadas, since its process of emancipation, has presented on its electoral disputes for executive loads, an strong presence and defined on its favor, the continuity of power in the interior of familiar groups or its functionaries. We objective to answer the following questions: Which practices instituted this domination? What are the genealogic origin of this family and its parental branches? How does this family realizes local politic actions? To answer these questions, in methodological terms, we did a camp work and oral history, appealing mainly to memory, through open interviews; another font of researches were the newspapers, videos and bibliographic research. And conducing this analyze, the boarding of Pierre Bourdieu, from his propose of Sociology of Practice, following the notions of campo, habitus e capitais, pass through the analytic text. The text discuss about the genealogy of this family, trying to understand the capitais that historically, were being build. And, associated to this, the politic domination that this family was doing through capitals historically constructed and the practices and actions developed locally. These capitals are related to “family name”, land ownership, the practices and actions that are related to proximal relationships and exchanged favors on the society. We contacted that local politic domination is established from actions of dependency built for those who detain the biggest quantity of possible capital in relation to that who are disproved of that. Fact that allows to conclude that politic domination exerted for this family of proximal relationships and favors relationships, build sentimental bows and pragmatics that link people to leadership, and political dependency is traduced in the sad statement: “I must reattribute a favor”, what means a way of gratitude, one bill that price is the fidelity without limits, that can result on the possibility of personal subordination and familiar, that is, the deepest symbolic violence.