Submitted by VERÔNICA KARINA IPÓLITO null (veronicaipolito@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-06-13T00:49:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 - Tese_Verônica Ipólito_DEFINITIVA.pdf: 2444789 bytes, checksum: 4728c61bfdc3b64a1c19068b0ba9ba50 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-06-15T14:50:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ipolito_vk_dr_assis.pdf: 2444789 bytes, checksum: 4728c61bfdc3b64a1c19068b0ba9ba50 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-15T14:50:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ipolito_vk_dr_assis.pdf: 2444789 bytes, checksum: 4728c61bfdc3b64a1c19068b0ba9ba50 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho analisa os mitos políticos modernos que se formaram na relação entre a Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS/PR) com o comunismo e atividades desenvolvidas pelo Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) no Paraná durante os anos de 1945 a 1953. Ao realizar um trabalho meticuloso de vigilância e repressão, a polícia política não somente coletou, registrou e ofereceu dados sobre suspeitos a outros setores ou Delegacias Regionais, mas associou o comunismo a características negativas, atribuiu a seus adeptos um alto grau de periculosidade e identificou na doutrina comunista elementos que supostamente visavam destruir o mundo ocidental e seus valores. Tais características contribuíram para a formação do mito da conspiração comunista, o qual se alimentava da disseminação do medo e da paranoia de que o “inimigo vermelho” poderia estar em todos os lugares, com grande força e blindado por suas características maléficas. A confluência de mitos políticos não ficou restrita ao universo policial. Por outro lado, os próprios comunistas paranaenses se alimentaram de mitos, seja para manter sua própria unidade, existência ou até mesmo para se sentirem motivados na busca pela luta revolucionária. Apesar das adversidades físicas, emocionais e familiares, acreditavase que o papel de revolucionário e a entrega de sua vida em sacrifício trariam recompensas, como o fim da exploração capitalista e a construção de uma sociedade mais justa. Para a escrita do trabalho foram utilizadas fontes de natureza jornalística, entrevistas, depoimentos, relatórios e demais evidências arquivadas no Fundo DOPS do Arquivo Público do Estado do Paraná e Arquivo Pessoal de Teresa Urban. O foco principal se concentrou no esforço de identificar na documentação indícios de mitos políticos modernos, em especial o mito da conspiração comunista e, na sua antítese, as construções mitológicas formuladas no interior do PCB, a exemplo do mito da unidade e do mito da Idade de Ouro. Pessoas comuns, militantes, agentes policiais, todos esses personagens foram analisados de forma a demonstrar que os mitos políticos adquirem roupagens diferenciadas em consonância com o pensamento que se deseja legitimar por um indivíduo, instituição ou grupo. / This thesis analyzes the modern political myths that have formed in the relationship between the Bureau of Political and Social Order (DOPS/PR) with communism and activities of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) in Paraná during the years 1945- 1953. To conduct a meticulous surveillance and repression, the political police not only collected, recorded and offered data on suspects to other sectors or Regional Offices, but associated communism the negative characteristics attributed to his followers a high degree of dangerousness and identified in Communist doctrine elements that allegedly aimed to destroy the Western world and its values. These characteristics contributed to the formation of the myth of the communist conspiracy, which fed the spread of fear and paranoia that the "red enemy" could be everywhere, with great strength and armored by his evil characteristics. The confluence of political myths was not restricted to the police universe. On the other hand, Paraná Communists themselves fed on myths, is to maintain its own unity, existence or even to feel motivated in the pursuit of revolutionary struggle. Despite the physical, emotional and family adversity, it was believed that the revolutionary paper and the delivery of his life in sacrifice would bring rewards, as the end of capitalist exploitation and the construction of a fairer society. For writing the work they were used sources of journalistic nature, interviews, statements, reports and other evidence filed with the Fund DOPS of Paraná State Public Archive and Personal Archive of Urban Teresa. The main focus was in the effort to identify the documentation evidence of modern political myths, especially the myth of Communist conspiracy and, in its antithesis, mythological constructions made inside the PCB, the unity of the myth of the example and the Middle myth of gold. Ordinary people, activists, police officers, all these characters were analyzed in order to demonstrate that political myths take on different guises in line with the thought that if you want to legitimize by an individual, institution or group.

Le but de ce travail est d'analyser les représentations des pirates dans la culture populaire anglophone, représentations qui s'inspirent en premier lieu d'un contexte historique et tendent à montrer les pirates comme des révoltés aux prétentions démocratisantes face aux puissances absolutistes, faisant de l'élection un principe maître qui fait écho à différentes visions de l'implication politique des XXe et XXIe siècles. En parallèle se développe la notion d'une attirance inévitable pour la piraterie due aux liens du sang, un héritage qui mène souvent à diverses formes d'hybridation en mettant sans cesse en question les contenus ainsi transmis. Enfin, que l'on parle d'élection ou d'héritage, ce qui est transmis doit être appris, et les modalités de cet apprentissage sont variables bien que s'inscrivant dans un schéma reconnaissable à travers les artefacts culturels examinés. / The purpose of this work is to analyze the representations of pirate in English-speaking popular culture, representations whose foremost source of inspiration for such works is a historical context, and they tend to show pirates as rebels with claims to forms of democracy facing absolutist powers, turning election into a major principle that echoes different visions of political involvement in 20th- and 21st-century America. Along this tendency, the notion of an irresistible attraction towards piracy, due to blood ties, is developed into a form of legacy often leading to diverse forms of hybridization endlessly questioning the contents thus transmitted. Finally, whether election or legacy be dealt with, what is transmitted must be learnt, and the modalities of such learning vary even though they are embedded in a pattern recognizable throughout the cultural artifacts under examination.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016Roger_Renilto_Diniz_Costa.pdf: 2044736 bytes, checksum: 20e0fdfc2ab01a9d98eedca813eff08d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims to lecture about the historiography of Manuel de Oliveira Lima in view of the representation of the emperors of Brazil as national heroes during the First Republic. To this end, our emphasis is to analyze some books of the historian Oliveira Lima in which his historiographical discourse turns to the Brazilian imperial past highlighting the role of governments as heroic and praising them in epic way in his narrative. Methodologically we conceive the historiography as a discourse for the purpose of analyzing it in its historicity, that is, addressing context of production and its discursive articulation. The reflection by us developed is back to the question of the constitution of Brazilian nationality, recurrent literate in production of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. In the analysis, we established a dialogue with other historians who have dedicated themselves to researching the life path of Oliveira Lima, and on other aspects, their historiography. We analyzed five works of Oliveira Lima, specifically: Dom João VI no Brasil; Formação Histórica da Nacionalidade Brasileira; O Império Brasileiro (1821-1889); O Movimento da Independência (1821-1822) e Historia Diplomatica do Brazil: O Reconhecimento do Imperio / Este trabalho tem por objetivo dissertar sobre a historiografia de Manuel de Oliveira Lima tendo em vista a representação dos imperadores do Brasil como heróis nacionais durante a Primeira República. Para tanto, nossa ênfase é analisar algumas obras do historiador Oliveira Lima nas quais seu discurso historiográfico se volta ao passado imperial brasileiro destacando a atuação dos governantes como heroica e enaltecendo-os de forma épica em sua narrativa. Metodologicamente, concebemos a historiografia como um discurso, para fins de analisá-lo em sua historicidade, isto é, abordar seu contexto de produção e sua articulação interna. A reflexão por nós realizada se volta, portanto, à questão da constituição da nacionalidade brasileira, recorrente na produção letrada dos fins do século XIX e no início do século XX. Na análise, estabelecemos um diálogo com outros historiadores que se dedicaram à pesquisar a trajetória de vida de Oliveira Lima e, sobre outros aspectos, sua historiografia. Analisamos cinco obras de Oliveira Lima, especificamente: Dom João VI no Brasil; Formação Histórica da Nacionalidade Brasileira; O Império Brasileiro (1821-1889); O Movimento da Independência (1821-1822) e Historia Diplomatica do Brazil: O Reconhecimento do Imperio

In this thesis I have conducted an interpretivist narrative study on the correlation between strategic narratives and political myths. The strategics narratives were found by analyzing articles written by Sputnik, and the political myths are identified in previous research. This was done against the theoretical background that when strategic narratives and political myths share similarities the narratives and the myths are more powerful than when told on their own. This study found that the Russian strategic narratives and the political myths in Swedish Democrats share multiple similarities. The two actors tell the story of anti-immigration, how the liberal left is failing the people, and how Sweden have gone from a once wonderful country to a state in decline. Additionally, the two actors portray Sweden Democrats as the saviors that can save the common man from its enemies, i.e., the liberal left and the migrants. This relationship between the narratives and the myths indicates that they have a lot in common and thus the myths should be more powerful and be able to target and convince a larger audience according to the theoretical assumption of this thesis.