The present DPhil research attempts to develop an appropriate method for the historiography of ideas by taking into consideration cultural, linguistic and socio-political limitations and obstacles to free thinking in a predominantly closed society like Qajar Iran. By applying such a method the study then investigates the history of the idea of freedom in Iran during one of the most important periods in the evolution of this concept. The research method is grounded in a hermeneutical interpretation of Collingwood's logic of question and answer. It also employs MacCallum's meta-theoretical frame of analysis which states that freedom is always of something (an agent or agents), from something (conditions), to do something (actions). Using this methodological framework, the research shows how most locutions about freedom uttered in the last century of the Qajar period were formed within the horizon of the question of decline and were somehow related to remedy such situations. It then explores how late Qajar interpretations of the three variables of freedom manifest themselves in the socio-political life of early 20th century Iran. During the first constitutional period (August 1906-June 1908), the major concern of the first majlis was to establish the rule of law. In legislating the constitution and its supplement, the majority of the majlis believed that the main obstacle to freedom was arbitrary rule. Therefore, they endeavoured to restrain the government’s illegal and arbitrary interferences in the people's freedom. However, they did not develop a rational criterion for identifying legitimate and justifiable legal interferences. During the second constitutional period (July 1909– February 1921), the main concern of the second majlis was to restrain chaos and to strengthen the central government in order to put an end to domestic insecurity and foreign threats. To rectify such a situation, the majlis empowered the government to interfere even in the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution. As a result, the situation began to turn from chaos towards arbitrary rule. The research also argues that in most of their interpretations of the aim of freedom, constitutionalists considered an action permissible only if it was compatible with public interest as well as the material and spiritual progress of individuals and society. Theoretically, the aim of freedom could not have been the doing of an action that harmed another person or violated his/her freedom. Furthermore, 'the right to be wrong,' even if it harmed no one, was never defended. Nonetheless, in practice, freedom turned into chaos and licence in both the first and in the second constitutional periods. Finally, this study investigates how the Iranian pioneers of the freedom-seeking movement responded to the question of the eligibility of the agent of freedom, and the question of the equality of agents in having freedom. Iranian society was taking its first steps in experiencing the rule of law and had a long way to go to rectify its discriminatory culture and to establish equal rights. In such conditions, accepting a set of equal fundamental rights for all Iranians should be considered a great achievement for the constitutional movement.

林國輝. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部,1994. / 參考文獻: leaves 234-238 / Lin Guohui. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世思想及「經世文編」研究回顧 --- p.3 / Chapter 三、 --- 史料及硏究方法 --- p.10 / Chapter 第一章： --- 葛士濬、盛康與《皇朝經世文續編》 / Chapter ´ؤ、 --- 十九世紀後半期政治及學術思想概況 --- p.24 / Chapter 二、 --- 葛士濬的編纂動機 --- p.33 / Chapter 三、 --- 盛康的編纂動機 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》學術、治體部分作者背 景之分析 / Chapter 一、 --- 作者背景資料之量化分析 --- p.54 / Chapter 二、 --- 作者間網絡的組成與主導群體的發現 --- p.59 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.67 / Chapter 第三章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》「學術」部分內容析述 / Chapter 一、 --- 對帝王學術修養的關注 --- p.91 / Chapter 二、 --- 有關儒學發展及漢宋之爭的討論 --- p.95 / Chapter 三、 --- 對各種學術內容的討論 --- p.103 / Chapter 四、 --- 學術與政治的互動 --- p.113 / Chapter 五、 --- 師友之道的探求 --- p.125 / Chapter 六、 --- 小 結 --- p.130 / Chapter 第四章： --- 《皇朝經世文續編》「治體」內容析述 / Chapter 一、 --- 施政各項原則的討論 --- p.132 / Chapter 二、 --- 有關君主施政的討論 --- p.144 / Chapter 三、 --- 治法的繁簡與變法的立場 --- p.153 / Chapter 四、 --- 選拔賢才之道及用人之方法 --- p.159 / Chapter 五、 --- 臣下的職責及賢臣應具備的條件 --- p.173 / Chapter 六、 --- 各種具體的施政建議 --- p.180 / Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.197 / Chapter 第五章： --- 從兩種《續編》看晚清「經世思想」之內涵 / Chapter 一、 --- 「經世思想」的具體內涵 --- p.200 / Chapter 二、 --- 從「經世文編」看「經世思想」發展的大概 --- p.209 / Chapter 三、 --- 「經世思想」在晚清的定位 --- p.214 / 結 論 --- p.230 / 參考書目 --- p.234 / 附件：《葛編》及《盛編》各部門總目 --- p.239

The eighteenth century saw many innovations in political culture including the rise of the public sphere where political ideas were freely and openly discussed and criticized. The new public sphere arose within the institutions of private life such as the Republic of Letters and salons, so the modes of behavior in private life were important influences on the new political culture of the public sphere. By studying the lives and careers of Richard Price and the Marquis de Condorcet, I examine the role that the private institution of friendship played in the new political culture of the late Enlightenment. During the 1780s, friendship became an important political symbol that represented the enlightened ideals of equality, reciprocity, liberty, and humanitarianism.

胡志偉. / 論文(博士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部, 1995. / 參考文献 : 224-231. / Hu Zhiwei. / 簡 目 / Chapter (一） --- 導論 --- p.1 -15 / Chapter 1. --- 問題的提出 / Chapter 2. --- 課題範圍的選擇和理據 / Chapter 3. --- 諸家成¨®Ơ的回顧與檢討 / Chapter 4. --- 研究進路 / Chapter (二） --- 劉師培的生平 --- p.16-27 / Chapter (三） --- 劉師培早年政治思想的特色 --- p.28-42 / Chapter 1. --- 民族思想：排滿攘夷及民族帝國主義 / Chapter 2. --- 激烈主張 / Chapter 3. --- 民約觀念 / Chapter (四） --- 劉師培無政府思想的淵源 --- p.43-71 / Chapter I. --- 中國傳統 / Chapter 1. --- 道家思想 / Chapter 2. --- 禮運大同 / Chapter 3. --- 許行 / Chapter 4. --- 鮑敬言 / Chapter II. --- 域外思想 / Chapter 1. --- 日本社會主義運動的概況 / Chapter 2. --- 幸德秋水 / Chapter 3. --- 苦魯巴特金 / Chapter 4. --- 托爾斯泰 / Chapter (五） --- 劉師培革命理論的基礎：針對人爲不平等 --- p.72-83 / Chapter 1. --- 政府之於人民 / Chapter 2. --- 資本家之於傭工 / Chapter 3. --- 強種之於弱種 / Chapter 4. --- 男子之於女子 / Chapter (六） --- 劉師培的具體革命策略 --- p.84-104 / Chapter 1. --- 農人革命 / Chapter 2. --- 勞民革命 / Chapter 3. --- 農工聯合制 / Chapter 4. --- 弱種聯合以抗強種 / Chapter (七） --- 劉師培的無政府主義烏托邦：人類均力說 --- p.105-118 / Chapter (八） --- 《天義》與《新世紀》的比較 --- p.119-130 / Chapter (九） --- 劉師培旅日期間的實際政治活動 --- p.131-152 / Chapter 1. --- 社會主義講習會 / Chapter 2. --- 亞洲和親會 / Chapter 3. --- 農民疾苦調查會 / Chapter (十） --- 劉師培與同盟會分裂的原因：革命綱領的比較分析 --- p.153-172 / Chapter 1. --- 民族問題 / Chapter 2. --- 政制問題 / Chapter 3. --- 民生問題 / Chapter 4. --- 革命程序 / Chapter (十一） --- 〈劉師培與端方書〉的剖析 --- p.173-195 / Chapter 1. --- 是書發現的經過 / Chapter 2. --- 寫作日期的考定 / Chapter 3. --- 劉師培自述放棄革命原因的分析 / Chapter (十二） --- 劉師培後期的政治活動和思想 --- p.196-211 / Chapter 1. --- 流落四川 / Chapter 2. --- 籌安會及洪憲帝制 / Chapter 3. --- 北京大學 / Chapter (十三） --- 結論 --- p.212-223 / Chapter (十四） --- 參考書目 --- p.224-231

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protein chemistry, unnatural amino acids, chemical biology, proteomicsThe foundation of political societies is a central theme in Rousseau's work. This is no surprise coming from a man who was born into a people who had their own celebrated founder and foundations, and immersed himself in the writings of classical republicans and the quasi-mythical histories of ancient city-states where the heroic lawgiver played an important and legitimate role in political foundations. However, Rousseau's propositional political writings (those written for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland) have been accused of being unsystematic and running the spectrum from conservative and prudent to radical and utopian. It is this seeming incongruence which is the subject of this thesis. In particular, it is argued that this confusion is born out the failure to recognize a systematic distinction between "founding" and "re-founding" political societies in both the history of political thought, and Rousseau's own work (a distinction in Rousseau which has rarely been noted, let alone treated to a study of its own). By recognizing this distinction one can identify two Rousseaus; the conservative and prudent thinker who is wary of making changes to established political systems and constitutional foundations (the re-founder), and the radical democrat fighting for equality, and claiming that no state is legitimate without popular sovereignty (the founder). In demonstrating this distinction, this thesis examines the ancient concept of the lawgiver, the growth and expansion of the idea leading up to the eighteenth century, Rousseau's own philosophic writings on the topic, and the differing political proposals he wrote for Geneva, Corsica, and Poland. The thesis argues that although there is a clear separation between these two types of political proposals, they remain systematically Rousseauvian.

Recherche sur l'imaginaire de la société comme corps. Le point de départ est la théologie politique médiévale. Malgré les différences de fondation (non plus religieuse mais séculière), l'imaginaire théologique médiéval de la société comme corps s'est retrouvé dans la pensée politique moderne, à travers notamment les doctrines de la souveraineté et de la représentations (J. Bodin, J.-J. Rousseau, T. Hobbes). Qu’implique sur le plan de la représentation politique la métaphore corporelle ?Cette représentation implique notamment la difficulté à penser la supranationalité (la métaphore corporelle a servi – et sert encore – à penser les Etats dans le cadre de la Nation). Quelles sont les conditions de la dilution de l'hypostase de la société comme corps ?La nécessité est posée de passer à un paradigme de l'intersubjectivité et de la communication. Une attention particulière est accordée à une approche sémiotique de la communication à travers les icônes et les indices (et non uniquement les symboles). / Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study explores the rediscovery and development of a tradition of Ciceronian academic scepticism in British philosophy between c.1660-c.1760. It considers this tradition alongside two others, recently recovered by scholars, which were recognised by contemporaries to offer opposing visions of man, God and the origins of society: the Augustinian-Epicurean, and the neo-Stoic. It presents John Locke, Conyers Middleton and David Hume as the leading figures in the revival of the tradition of academic scepticism. It considers their works in relation to those of Anthony Ashley Cooper, third earl of Shaftesbury, and Bernard Mandeville, whose writings refashioned respectively the neo-Stoic and Augustinian-Epicurean traditions in influential ways. These five individuals explicitly identified themselves with these late Hellenistic philosophical traditions, and sought to contest and redefine conventional estimations of their meaning and significance. This thesis recovers this debate, which illuminates our understanding of the development of the ‘science of man’ in Britain. Cicero was a central figure in Locke’s attempt to explain, against Hobbes, the origins of society and moral consensus independent of political authority. Locke was a theorist of societies, religious and civil. He provided a naturalistic explanation of moral motivation and sociability which, drawing heavily from Cicero, emphasised the importance of men’s concern for the opinions of others. Locke set this within a Christian divine teleology. It was Locke’s theologically-grounded treatment of moral obligation, and his attack on Stoic moral philosophy, that led to Shaftesbury’s attempt to vindicate Stoicism. This was met by Mandeville’s profoundly Epicurean response. The consequences of the neo-Epicurean and neo-Stoic traditions for Christianity were explored by Middleton, who argued that only academic scepticism was consistent with Christian belief. Hume explored the relationship between morality and religion with continual reference to Cicero. He did so, in contrast to Locke or Middleton, to banish entirely moral theology from philosophy.

This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography