This study aims at understanding the 15-year long hegemonic struggle of the Bergama movement. In the pursuit of this aim, it first seeks to develop a conceptual framework through the articulation of the insights of Social Movement approaches within the discourse-theoretical framework of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Analyzing the Bergama movement within this conceptual framework, it then argues that in spite of its emergence in the local Bergama context as a particular response to the operation of a goldmine, the Bergama movement has gone beyond a local protest campaign. It constituted an anti-gold mining discourse that, tying the issue of the operation of the goldmine in Bergama to some wider issues, such as protection of environment, operation of gold mines, operation of foreign companies, rule of law, human rights, and democracy, posed challenges both to the neo-liberal economic structure and to the authoritarian state structure in the Turkish context. The study also argues that despite its initial success in providing a discursive space for the articulation of a number of unfulfilled social demands and thereby mobilizing a number of social groups, the Bergama movement gradually weakened mainly because the challenges that it posed to the hegemonic structures impelled the several forces of the status-quo to the struggle, who did not only win the popular consent to the necessity of the operation of goldmines by means of constructing a pro-mining discourse on the basis of speculations but also antagonized and repressed the protesters on the basis of inevident allegations.

Cette thèse se consacre à la gestation et au destin d'une institution étatique conçue pour la gestion de l'émigration et l'encadrement des rapports de l'État équatorien avec ses ressortissants à l'étranger -le Secrétariat national du migrant de l'Équateur (Senami) -et aux activités que cette institution a déployées à ces fins. Au moment où le Senami est créé en mars 2007 par le président Rafael Correa, l'enjeu consiste à assembler une institution «transnationale» capable d'agir au plus près des émigrés comme pour s'emparer des«absents» ou des «oubliés de la Patrie», pour reprendre le langage des acteurs, et les intégrer à l'État d'origine ainsi qu'à l'entreprise politique de la "Révolution citoyenne" dirigée par Correa. Disposant du soutien présidentiel, tout aurait laissé à croire que le Senami bénéficiait des conditions favorables pour se développer au sein de l'État. Or, six ans après sa création, l'acte de disparition de la jeune institution est signé en juin 2013 par celui-là même qui en était l'un de ses principaux promoteurs au départ, le président Correa. Le processus de construction institutionnelle du Senami et les efforts déployés pour l'installer durablement dans l'appareil étatique sont ainsi au cœur de cette thèse. Nous nous attacherons en particulier aux luttes politiques autour de la place de l'émigré en Équateur ainsi qu'aux compétitions bureaucratiques au cours desquelles non seulement se définit l'enjeu migratoire et la politique censée l’encadrer, mais se joue aussi le devenir de l'institution conçue pour les émigrés. / This PhD dissertation explores the gestation and the fate of the National Secretariat for Migrants of Ecuador (Senami) – a state institution designed to manage emigration and to promote the ties between the Ecuadorian State and its nationals abroad. Particular attention will be given to the activities such institution conducts towards these ends. When President Rafael Correa creates the Senami in March 2007, the aim was to build a "transnational" institution that would be capable of reaching out to the expatriates or the "the forgotten ones of the homeland" -in the words of the actors involved, and that would be able to bring them "back home" and integrate them into the political project of the Citizens' Revolution (or Revolución Ciudadana) led by Correa. Yet, only six years after its creation, the Senami disappears: a new decree is issued in June 2013 by one of its main advocates: Rafael Correa. This dissertation explores the Senami institutional construction process and the efforts to install it sustainably within the state apparatus. We will thus pay close attention to the political struggles in Ecuador around the issue of establishing ties with those abroad as well as the bureaucratic rivalries in which the definition of the stakes at play in the emigration phenomenon and the elaboration of an adequate policy are negotiated, and in which the fate of the new-born institution designed for the expatriates is decided.

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This disseration addresses a historical-education analysis of events that contributed to the deterioration of a culture of learning from 1652-1998 among Black South Africans. Black education was purported to be inferior and unjust. The previous government spent less on Black education and applied stringent measures to solve problems besetting Black education. Dissatisfaction among Blacks led to rioting that unsettled the culture of learning, especially during 1970-1990. It was only during the 1990's that the Nationalist government under F.W. de Klerk, acknowledged the legitimacy of the demands by Blacks for an equitable and just education. After Nelson Mandela had been elected as the first Black president of South Africa, a single education system was formed. Control and administration of education was assigned to the nine newly established provinces. The provinces adopted the motto : Re a soma - We are working in our schools, for the development of a culture of learning, especially in Black communities. / Educational Studies / M.Ed.(History of Education)

This disseration addresses a historical-education analysis of events that contributed to the deterioration of a culture of learning from 1652-1998 among Black South Africans. Black education was purported to be inferior and unjust. The previous government spent less on Black education and applied stringent measures to solve problems besetting Black education. Dissatisfaction among Blacks led to rioting that unsettled the culture of learning, especially during 1970-1990. It was only during the 1990's that the Nationalist government under F.W. de Klerk, acknowledged the legitimacy of the demands by Blacks for an equitable and just education. After Nelson Mandela had been elected as the first Black president of South Africa, a single education system was formed. Control and administration of education was assigned to the nine newly established provinces. The provinces adopted the motto : Re a soma - We are working in our schools, for the development of a culture of learning, especially in Black communities. / Educational Studies / M.Ed.(History of Education)