<p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine the nature and significance of economic perestroika during Mikhail Gorbachev's rule from 1985 to 1991. In particular, the focus is upon the importance of Gorbachev's role as leader in the process of reform, upon how he approached the Soviet state of systemic crisis, and, in broader terms, upon the nature of the debate concerning economic reform. It is argued that, in the wake of the attempted coup d'etat, the downfall of economic perestroika -- and, indeed, the downfall of the empire and of Gorbachev himself -- was the result of an intensifying state of economic, political, social, ideological, and nationalistic crises, crises which Gorbachev could neither stem nor mitigate. His vision of economic transformation, framed by his continued dedication to Marxism-Leninism and motivated by his enduring commitment to revitalize Soviet socialism and the Soviet state, is examined from the perspective of its three distinct, yet interrelated, elements: first, the process of de-Stalinization; second, the process of de-Brezhnevization; and third, the formulation of a new socialist economic model. Within this context, emphasis is placed upon Gorbachev's understanding of the interdependence between economics and politics or, more precisely, his intention to have political reform serve an economic function. Furthermore, particular attention is paid to the significance which Gorbachev accorded to the leading role of the Communist Party in both the process of reform and, more generally, the building of Soviet socialism. In order to consider the 'environment' which surrounded the formulation of Gorbachev's vision of economic transformation, the nature of the debate concerning economic reform is examined, specifically with a focus upon the post- 1988 period. There are two reasons for this focus: first, it marked the official drive toward systemic change; and second, it marked the emergence of far-reaching political conflict among elites regarding the nature, scope, and direction of economic transformation.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>It is often said that the media are one of the most powerful forces shaping contemporary political life. To explore this assertion, the following thesis considers the relationship of community decision-makers to dominant newspapers in two regional government systems.</p> <p>The investigation begins with a theoretical review of community decision-making and media analyses and proposes to combine these in a unified study. Next, through the use of four case studies and personal interviews, it analyses the community power structures of the two regional government systems. Finally, it considers the media's influence upon decision-makers and policy outcomes.</p> <p>The evidence uncovered suggests the media possess the ability to influence decision-makers in at least four ways: agenda-setting and building; publicizing decisions; controlling information; and legitimizing policy participants. Sometimes this power is used deliberately and on other occasions unwittingly. In none of the instances considered, though, were the newspapers capable of exerting influence when acting independently without the cooperation of some community influentials. For this reason, the media were collectively regarded by policy participants as either a useful ally or dangerous foe occupying an ambiguous place in relation to the community power structure.</p> <p>At the same, this investigation also discovered that traditional elite and pluralist community power theories are inadequate for describing local decision-making. Instead, there appears to be a demand for an analytical approach that incorporates elements of both schools.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This thesis examines the political philosophy of Charles Taylor and Alisdair Macintyre. In particular this thesis focuses on Taylor's Sources of the Self and Macintyre's After Virtue. These two books represent a major contribution to what has become known as the communitarian critique of liberalism. This thesis examines four fundamental aspects of the communitarian critique. The first aspect examined is the communitarian contention that liberal theory fundamentally misunderstands the nature of identity and selfhood. The second aspect examined is the communitarian assertion that liberal theory, with its focus on individual rights and autonomy, undennines community. The third aspect of the communitarian critique examined is its claim that liberalism's neutrality on questions of the good conceals the important role that notions of the good play in the moral life of the individual. Finally this thesis looks at Taylor and MacIntyre's description of modern moral discourse.</p> <p>This thesis examines these four key communitarian concerns and posits potential liberal responses to all four. In this thesis two possible liberal responses come to the fore in response to almost all of Taylor and Macintyre's concerns. The first liberal response argues that Taylor and Macintyre describe and attack a hyperKantian definition of liberalism held by no actual liberal. The second key liberal response argues that the role Taylor and MacIntyre see the public sphere playing in individua1's lives is more than adequately fulfilled by the private sphere. This thesis concludes by arguing that Sources of the Self and After Virtue are best read as critiques of the social and philosophical vagaries of modem liberalism and not as actual alternatives to liberalism.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

The purpose of this thesis is to trace the history and estimate the influence of the Orange Society, which flourished from the time of its founding in 1795 until its dissolution by the Duke of Cumberland in 1836.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on April 24, 2009) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 56-57).

Thesis (M.A.)--Wisconsin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-130).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 56-57). Also available in print.

No description available.

This thesis examines the role of the European Community in the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From their first dealings up until 1968 – when official relations were established – and beyond, the Community and Yugoslavia never achieved a stable relationship that would have come into its own with the outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis in the early 1990s. In this respect, economic, political and social dimensions characterizing cooperation between the EC and the SFRY are analyzed to illustrate the developments between the two parties. The outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis was a completely new phenomenon for Brussels. Although admittedly unprepared, EC officials stated that ‘the hour for Europe has come’. This eleventh-hour intervention, however, opened the door to certain non-state actors who became involved and, more importantly, affected the decision-making at EC level leading to the policy of recognition of Slovenia and Croatia as independent states, and thus the demise of the Yugoslav federation. The thesis focuses on the activism of diaspora communities, the media and the Catholic Church. As far as the diaspora communities are concerned, their activism was most significant in Austria, a country that enjoyed an outstanding reputation within the European Community at the time. The Carinthian Slovenes used their position within Austrian politics to promote the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. As to the Western media, their reporting of the Yugoslav crisis, with its sympathy for the independence of the two republics, was accepted as a reliable source of information, a view confirmed by statements from Brussels. Finally, the Catholic Church also expressed sympathy for Slovenia and Croatia: the fact that the two SFRY republics were Catholic was reason enough for the Vatican to campaign for their independence at EC level.