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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1946. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [239]-247).

Toward the end of the Troubles, the notion of an Ulster-Scots ethnicity, culture, and language began to be pursued by certain unionists and loyalists more desirous of ‘something more racy of the soil’ (Dowling 2007:54). Peace-building in Northern Ireland had undergone something of a cultural turn: the armed struggle over constitutional and civil rights questions began in the eighties to be ‘ethnically framed’ (Brubaker 2004:166). With cultural identity politically potent, the conception of an Ulster-Scots ethnic group began to gain traction with a tiny but influential subsection of unionists and loyalists. Since the nineties, this movement has gained considerable ground. This thesis represents an intersectional investigation of the inclusion of Ulster-Scots education into schools in Northern Ireland. I contend that Ulster-Scots studies represents an ethnicisation of the conception of a discrete Protestant politico-religious “community” within Northern Ireland, holding considerable potential for the deepening of senses of intercommunal differentiation. Rather than presenting the potential for the deconstruction of ideas of difference, such a pedagogy of reifies, perpetuates, (re)constructs and even deepens such ideas of difference by grounding notions of difference in ethno-cultural and genealogical bases. Ulster-Scots is often described as a means of waging cultural war in post-conflict Northern Ireland (Mac Póilin 1999). Contrariwise, I contend that it represents neither the uncritical, sectarian, loyalist pedagogy of its critics nor the pragmatic and innocuous solution to a problem of durable collective identities of its protagonists. Rather, Ulster-Scots education is embedded in the politics of consociational peace. The logic of consociationalism explicitly entails the maintenance of stark boundaries of ethnic difference. This research does not merely critique of Ulster-Scots pedagogy, but calls into question the whole consociational logic in which it, and the Northern Irish peace process in general, has been embedded.

This thesis discusses the Indignados movement, which arose in Spain in 2011, in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. It makes the observation that the Indignados, and many other movements similar to it (like Occupy Wall Street, the Arab Spring, or the Global Justice Movement), gather large amounts of people, but are still struggling to be recognised as political subjects, as influential forces in the political environment. Many times, they are criticised for being too dispersed or too emotional, and lacking the cohesiveness to formulate concrete political aims. The Indignados can therefore be seen as challenging democracy and how political subjectivity is accorded, both in theory and practice. This leads this thesis to inquire into some of the theoretical underpinnings of democracy, and in particular political subjectivity. Its main research question is therefore: Can the Indignados spur a new reading of democracy?To further understand how we can conceive of the political subjectivity of an emotional and dispersed protest movement, this thesis turns to two approaches, social movement theory as well as deliberative democratic theory. After having examined extant literature on the matter, the thesis concludes that both of these approaches employ a distinct separation between emotion and reason, where political subjectivity is almost always hinged upon the latter. In addition, affect is seen as disjointed from signification, and therefore from political articulation. In order to circumvent this theoretical stalemate, this thesis turns to theories of radical democracy, and more specifically to the works of Ernesto Laclau. It argues that Laclau’s juxtaposition of Lacanian psychoanalysis and Derridian deconstruction opens up possibilities for a form of political subjectivity based on affect instead of reason alone. As such, Laclau’s theory of hegemony can shed light on those instances where affect and emotions play a central part in the creation of political subjectivity. In analysing Laclau’s theory, I respond to different analytical challenges that question the viability of explaining movements such as the Indignados through a theory of hegemony. Current observations point to that contemporary movements are not hegemonic (which place too much emphasis on verticality), but rather horizontal and networked. In order to address this critique, this thesis constructs a framework of the hegemonic project. This framework emphasises two commonly overlooked features of Laclau’s theory: the affective and transient nature of hegemony, which stresses the connection between affect and signification. Through two sets of empirical data – ethnographic fieldwork material and social media analysis – the thesis shows how the Indignados exhibit clear instances of verticality, albeit of an affective nature. This hegemonic, affective verticality speaks of two ways in which the movement can construct political subjectivity: viscerally (through unity in affective practices) and virtually (through social media).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edgard Padula.PDF: 1536698 bytes, checksum: dc410cd106bb57ea8fef14f926b3d02b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Legislative immunities were created to uphold the Legislative from pressures or threats, primarily by the Executive, as a means to provide more autonomy for the lawmakers to exercise their constitutional duties, such as debating and watching over the Administration which is the main reason for the governing system to be divided in three. For this reason we analyzed the most fail-safe doctrine addressing democracy, the General Theory of the State, the Legislative and political parties. We studied the theory of freedom from arrest and procedural immunity, as well as testimonial immunity and from incorporation to the Armed Forces, comparing the current system to the one in force prior to Constitutional Amendment 35/2001. We analyzed the institution at federal, state and municipal levels. We presented and analyzed the system of immunities in comparative law was submitted and analyzed vis-à-vis the laws of more relevant countries and those with greater proximity to Brazil, both in terms of geography as well as culture. We confronted countless laws, doctrine and case law. It is a fact that immunities were not conceived for the personal benefit of the legislative officers; however, corruption is not uncommon to the Legislative and the parties involved are not always punished accordingly. We measured how far immunities can lead to impunity. Amendment 35/2001 reduced the breadth of immunities, primarily of the procedural ones, which was successful in allowing the penal actions to continue against legislative officers. Hence, our investigation as to why corruption in the Legislative has not diminished. To answer this question, sociological study was made to try to grasp the reasons for Brazilians considerable lack of interest in politics and to understand politics twists and turns, despite my two decades of democratic experience. In the 2005/2006 biennium, various scandals of corruption were uncovered and repeatedly covered by the press, but did not result in very substantial sanctions. The average Brazilian citizen s behavior is far from civic, patriotic and gregarious. As a consequence, he/she does not closely watch over the lawmaking process, is not always concerned with strictly abiding by the laws or ensuring that others do the same, both in the public and private spheres. Citizens do not closely inspect the Parliament and the Administration as a whole. This detachment prevents citizens from understanding the nuances of politics and from pressing the government for results or behaviors, and consequently failing to demand punishment whenever it applies. In this scenario, we perceive that there is no Government for the people, and controlled by the people. Owing to considerable mismanagement of public moneys, the population is denied a more prosperous material life. It is noteworthy that legislative immunities are merely an aspect of many circumstances leading some politicians to show insignificant concern for ethics and legality, which defiles the image of the Legislative. The topic covered by this study stands out because it is current, relevant, complex and controversial, besides revealing a people who are needy of trustworthy and objective information, distant from parliament, and clearly inexperienced as to a citizen s duty. / As imunidades parlamentares existem para fortalecer o Legislativo de pressões ou ameaças, especialmente, por parte do Executivo, para que haja maior autonomia no exercício de seu múnus constitucional, como debater e fiscalizar a Administração, que é a principal finalidade do sistema de tripartição dos poderes. Desse modo, a mais avalizada doutrina sobre a democracia, Teoria Geral do Estado, Legislativo e partidos políticos foi analisada. Estudou-se a teoria das imunidades material e formal (freedom from arrest e processual), bem como a imunidade ao testemunho e incorporação às Forças Armadas, comparando o sistema atual ao anterior à Emenda Constitucional 35/2001. O instituto foi avaliado em níveis federal, estadual e municipal. O sistema das imunidades no direito comparado foi apresentado e analisado com a legislação dos países mais relevantes ou mais próximos do Brasil, tanto geográfica como culturalmente. Colacionou-se legislação, doutrina e jurisprudência. As imunidades não foram concebidas para desfrute pessoal dos parlamentares, mas não raro o Legislativo protagoniza casos de corrupção e nem sempre ocorre a punição dos envolvidos. Aferiu-se até que ponto as imunidades ensejam a impunidade. A Emenda 35/2001 reduziu o alcance das imunidades, sobretudo a processual, logrando êxito no sentido de possibilitar o andamento das ações penais contra parlamentares. Daí foi investigado por que a corrupção no Legislativo não foi reduzida. Para responder esta questão, foi realizado um estudo sociológico para tentar entender os motivos do brasileiro ter pouco interesse pela política e não compreender seus meandros, não obstante já possuir vinte anos de experiência democrática. No biênio 2005/2006, vários escândalos de corrupção foram desnudados e insistentemente alardeados pela mídia, mas as punições foram pífias. O cidadão brasileiro tem um comportamento pouco cívico, patriota e associativo. Não acompanha com afinco a feitura das leis, vezes não as observa nem zela para que sejam obedecidas, tanto em âmbito público como privado. Não fiscaliza de perto o parlamento e a Administração como um todo. Não apreende as coisas da política e sequer cobra resultados ou comportamentos, deixando de exigir punições, sempre que cabíveis. Com isso percebe-se que não existe um Governo para o povo, sob controle deste. Em razão do mau uso do dinheiro público, a população deixa de ter um padrão de vida material mais próspero. Observa-se que as imunidades parlamentares são um dos aspectos de toda uma miríade de circunstâncias, que leva alguns políticos a demonstrar pouca preocupação com a ética e a legalidade, o que deturpa a imagem do Legislativo. O tema do estudo destaca-se pela sua atualidade, relevância, complexidade e polêmica; além de mostrar uma população carente de informações confiáveis, objetivas e distante do parlamento, sendo inexperiente nas atribuições da cidadania.

The diploma thesis deals with the issue of forced administration in municipalities in Slovakia. The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyze the municipal policy of Slovak municipalities in forced administration. The theoretical part defines the terms related to the issue. The analysis and research in the practical part of the thesis aimes to point out the state of municipal policy of municipalities that were or are currently under compulsory administration, as well as the state of the institution of compulsory administration of municipalities in Slovakia and outline the necessary changes. In a comparative multi-case study, the features of municipalities at the time of economic collapse and the introduction of forced administration were identified and specified. It was found out how the forced administration in selected Slovak municipalities affected municipal elections, candidacy, turnout and local democracy. For the data collection, substantial interviews were conducted with representatives of municipalities whose municipality is currently under compulsory administration and with representatives of municipalities of former forced administration. Keywords: financing of municipalities, local politics, municipal elections, local democracy, forced administration, political impacts, Slovak...