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This study of intergovernmental relations in education explored the nature of school district political responses to provincial government policies in British Columbia. Specifically, it examined the practice of a particular set of political responses (Elkin, 1975): coalition, socialization of the conflict, making use of a supraorganization, exchange, co-optation and penetration. Based on theoretical and empirical studies of governmental policy making (Doern and Phidd, 1983; Lowi, 1964, 1972; Rowat, 1980; Simeon, 1976) and interorganizational influence (Elkin, 1975; Rhodes, 1980), a three dimensional conceptual framework was developed consisting of policy types, school district types and types of political response. Ministry policy type was classified according to !?regulatory! (instructions for school districts to integrate severly handicapped children into regular school programs) and “distributive” (guidelines to school districts for capital expenditure allocations). School district type was distinguished by school board partisanship and regional—metropolitan variants. Ultimately, three school districts were chosen for indepth investigation and comparative analysis. This study may be regarded as an academic policy analysis using a multi-case study methodology. Based on interviews with key district office personnel and school trustees, along with document analysis and other evidence, the study yielded thick descriptions of the operational characteristics ‘of each political response in action. This study substantiated the proposition that political behaviour is characterized by certain patterns or regularities. However, while the “language” of organizational response proposed by Elkin (1975) provides insight and guidance for the study of intergovernmental relations, it does not appear to be comprehensive. Other district political responses come into play. Nevertheless, the findings of this study support Elkin’s proposition that the political responses of local government organizations are closely associated with their dependency on environmental resources. Application of the multi—case methodology in this research supports the contention of certain policy researchers that it is possible to combine intensity of study with comparative variations of key variables. The inter—disciplinary nature of this study, along with the systematic use of different kinds of definitions and the interactive opportunities associated with “on site” observation, were found to be very important and necessary features of this qualitative research. The findings and conclusions suggest that research should be undertaken on other typologies of political influence which were identified in the course of this study. Incorporation of what organizational theorists refer to as “resource dependency theory,” or “the political economy perspective” may aid in examining more comprehensively how school districts, as special purpose governments, adapt to provincial government authority. The study concludes with speculations about the nature and usefulness of school district political responses within the context of local-provincial relations in education.

This study of intergovernmental relations in education explored the nature of school district political responses to provincial government policies in British Columbia. Specifically, it examined the practice of a particular set of political responses (Elkin, 1975): coalition, socialization of the conflict, making use of a supraorganization, exchange, co-optation and penetration. Based on theoretical and empirical studies of governmental policy making (Doern and Phidd, 1983; Lowi, 1964, 1972; Rowat, 1980; Simeon, 1976) and interorganizational influence (Elkin, 1975; Rhodes, 1980), a three dimensional conceptual framework was developed consisting of policy types, school district types and types of political response. Ministry policy type was classified according to !?regulatory! (instructions for school districts to integrate severly handicapped children into regular school programs) and “distributive” (guidelines to school districts for capital expenditure allocations). School district type was distinguished by school board partisanship and regional—metropolitan variants. Ultimately, three school districts were chosen for indepth investigation and comparative analysis. This study may be regarded as an academic policy analysis using a multi-case study methodology. Based on interviews with key district office personnel and school trustees, along with document analysis and other evidence, the study yielded thick descriptions of the operational characteristics ‘of each political response in action. This study substantiated the proposition that political behaviour is characterized by certain patterns or regularities. However, while the “language” of organizational response proposed by Elkin (1975) provides insight and guidance for the study of intergovernmental relations, it does not appear to be comprehensive. Other district political responses come into play. Nevertheless, the findings of this study support Elkin’s proposition that the political responses of local government organizations are closely associated with their dependency on environmental resources. Application of the multi—case methodology in this research supports the contention of certain policy researchers that it is possible to combine intensity of study with comparative variations of key variables. The inter—disciplinary nature of this study, along with the systematic use of different kinds of definitions and the interactive opportunities associated with “on site” observation, were found to be very important and necessary features of this qualitative research. The findings and conclusions suggest that research should be undertaken on other typologies of political influence which were identified in the course of this study. Incorporation of what organizational theorists refer to as “resource dependency theory,” or “the political economy perspective” may aid in examining more comprehensively how school districts, as special purpose governments, adapt to provincial government authority. The study concludes with speculations about the nature and usefulness of school district political responses within the context of local-provincial relations in education. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

This thesis considers two questions. First, why in spite of its ideological opposition to the Land Commission Act did the Social Credit government formed in 1975 not abolish the Provincial Land Commission created by the NDP? Secondly, in what ways, if any, has the Social Credit appointed commission and the Social Credit cabinet differed from the NDP appointed commission and the NDP cabinet? After a description of the legislation, the Canada Land Inventory system and both the NDP and Social Credit appointed commissions, I argue that the complexity of issues at stake and the coalition of interests supporting the land commission, made it impossible for the government to abolish the land commission. These interests include those of farmers, who as individuals may wish to develop their land, but, collectively have a substantial interest in maintaining the reserves; developers who want, to realize the large capital gains from converting agricultural land to industrial, commercial or residential uses, but, who represent a numerically small group; municipalities, who are caught between the need for expanded tax revenues and the increased costs for services that accompanies development; and the regional districts who have to balance the competing interests of the member municipalities. A statistical analysis of the government to government exclusion requests made under section 11(1) of the provincial Agricultural Land Commission Act, indicates that the Social Credit appointed commission and the Social Credit cabinet, while maintaining the land reserve system, has allowed more exclusion requests in every category of land than had the NDP appointed commission and the NDP cabinet, and that the difference between the two was strongest for prime land, the most critical category. Further analysis suggests that this was not an accidental effect of either an increase in housing demands during the Social Credit period or of a maturation process by which the regional districts submitted more sophisticated exclusion requests and suggests the differences between the the NDP and the Social Credit are the product of different attitudes to development and planning. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters by Coursework and Research Report in the Department of History, the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg / This study analyzes the “socialization of the countryside” and its consequences for agricultural production in Manica district during the postcolonial period from 1975 until 1987. The impact of this policy, developed by FRELIMO as guerrilla movement during the struggle of liberation of Mozambique (1964-1974) and as FRELIMO government from 1975 until 1987, has been analyzed here in historical perspective. During the struggle in liberated zones, FRELIMO along with the rural African population developed a collective form of production inspired by African socialism developed by President Julius Nyerere in Tanzania. FRELIMO’s new policy was implemented in whole country after independence in 1975, through the creation of the state companies, communal villages, and cooperatives of production between 1976 and 1987. This policy was implemented in the countryside without having the rural experience necessary to inform its functioning. Additionally, the weakness of human resources in its management of the policy further undermined its success. Furthermore, the war led by RRENAMO from 1976 until its end in 1992 weakened the state’s resolve. These three factors became the basic causes of the policy’s abandonment in 1983, and its replaced by the neo-liberal economic adjustment policy in 1987. / MT2016

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.

The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.

The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa&rsquo / s state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa&rsquo / s foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

The MOZAL aluminium smelter in Maputo is the largest-ever foreign direct investment in Mozambique. South Africa&rsquo / s state-owned Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) owns 24% shares in MOZAL and the Development Bank of South Africa (DBSA) and Eskom provided road and power supply infrastructure to ensure the success of the smelter. BHP Billiton is the majority shareholder, the other being Mitsubishi. MOZAL is the flagship of South Africa&rsquo / s foreign policy for regional integration in southern Africa and economic reconstruction in Mozambique: a practical manifestation of the African Renaissance. This thesis is a case study of MOZAL as an example of cross-border industrial development and its implications for development in Mozambique. Using an eclectic multidisciplinary Critical Global Political Economy (critical GPE) theoretical framework, a survey of relevant literature and a series of selected open interviews, it examines how development based on the assumptions of industrialisation and neo-modernisation espoused by the governments and private sector champions of MOZAL impact on class, gender, environmental and social justice in Mozambique. The research identifies the socio-economic development dimensions of MOZAL for Mozambique and how the cost and benefits are distributed among the various social groups and actors directly and/or indirectly involved with the MOZAL aluminium smelter. The main findings are that MOZAL as a private sector FDI project is a qualified success. On the positive side, it contributes to economic growth. However, the benefits to Mozambique are exaggerated and are not broadly distributed. On the negative side, it contributes to increasing the economic dependence of Mozambique on the South African economy. Instead of narrowing the development gap, the smelter has contributed to increased differentiation between companies in South Africa and Mozambique and, within Mozambique, between the Northern and Southern regions, as well as among MOZAL employees and the majority of the population in Maputo. The implications are that the development benefits from foreign direct investment cross-border industrial development projects may, at least in the short-term, lead to uneven regional integration and development enjoyed by a few.