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Duarte dos Santos.pdf: 2294813 bytes, checksum: b239eec6936cb7400dd409cc160cbdab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-28 / This thesis is linked to the research Line "State, Policies and Educational Institutions" of the Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação of the Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás and the research group "Educational Policies and School Management", trying to understand how the System of Education of Goiás is organized to respond to the provisions of the Ministry of Education n. 1,145 dated 10/10/2016, which established the Program for the Promotion of the Implementation of Full-Time Schools, instituted by Provisional Measure no. 746 of 09/22/2016 (BRAZIL, 2016) and by Law 13,415 / 02/2017. Within the scope of the Education, Culture and Sport Secretariat (GOIÁS, 2017), Law no. 19,687 dated 06/22/2017 regulated the creation of Full-Time Education Centers with the intention of implanting the proposal of Full-Time High Schools. Based on the studies of these legal documents emerged the following research problem: What are the possibilities of full-time education in a public high school in Goiás? The objectives are to analyze full-time education of a public high school in Goiás; develop studies on the conception of integral education, revisiting the history of Brazilian education; to analyze the integral education in the full-time school of public high school of Goiás; understand democratic management as a condition of full-time school implementation. In order to develop studies about the conceptions and history of integral education in high school, authors such as Frigotto, Ciavatta, Ramos (2005, 2006), Paro, Ferreti, Vianna, Souza (1988), Kuenzer (2007) and Cavaliere 2009, 2010, 2012) were analyzed. The reflection on the curricular reformulations of secondary education is based on the analysis of official documents. In order to understand the full-time implementation of the school, it is important to think about Saviani (2003); Falsarella (2004); Temporini, Machado (2011); Coelho (2013); Oliveira (2014). The interpretation of the different management paradigms in school education is anchored in the studies of Ferreira (2003), Lima (2004), Paro (2007). Dialectical historical materialism guides research, enabling a view of the totality of the real, seen in the class struggle at the heart of the contradiction engendered by capitalist society. With the development of the case study in this qualitative research the following categories emerged and were analyzed: 1. Conception of full-time education; 2. Conditions of implementation of the full-time school. This second comprises three subcategories: 2.1 Time: extension of the school day; 2.2 Physical structure and 2.3 Democratic management. The Program for the Promotion of the Implementation of Full-Time Schools has been well evaluated by the subjects participating in this research, however there are several implications pointed out by these subjects that demands a high level of organization for the articulation in the Political Pedagogical Project (PPP), with theoretical-critical grounds that must be revealed in the posture of the school manager with the implementation of democratic management in the institution as a constitutional principle. / Esta tese vincula-se à Linha de Pesquisa “Estado, Políticas e Instituições Educacionais” do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás e ao Grupo de Pesquisa “Políticas Educacionais e Gestão Escolar“, cujo interesse foi a compreensão de como o Sistema de Ensino Estadual de Goiás se organizou para responder ao disposto na Portaria do MEC n. 1.145, de 10 de outubro de 2016, que instituiu o Programa de Fomento à Implementação de Escolas em Tempo Integral pela Medida Provisória n. 746, de 22 de setembro de 2016 (BRASIL, 2016), e pela Lei n. 13.415, de 16 de fevereiro de 2017. No âmbito da Secretaria de Educação, Cultura e Esporte (GOIÁS, 2017), a Lei n. 19.687, de 22 de junho de 2017, regulamentou a criação dos Centros de Ensino em Período Integral com o intuito de implantar a proposta de Ensino Médio em Tempo Integral. Com base nos estudos desses documentos legais, emergiu o seguinte problema de pesquisa: Quais as possibilidades da educação em tempo integral em uma escola pública de ensino médio em Goiás? Os objetivos consistem em analisar a Educação em Tempo Integral de uma escola pública de ensino médio em Goiás; desenvolver estudos sobre a concepção de educação integral, revisitando a história da educação brasileira; analisar a educação integral na escola em tempo integral de ensino médio público de Goiás; compreender a gestão democrática como uma condição de implementação da escola de tempo integral. Para desenvolver estudos acerca das concepções e da história da educação integral no ensino médio, tomam-se os subsídios de Frigotto, Ciavatta, Ramos (2005, 2006), Paro, Ferreti, Vianna, Souza (1988), Kuenzer (2007) e Cavaliere (2009, 2010, 2012). A reflexão sobre as reformulações curriculares do ensino médio sustenta-se na análise de documentos oficiais. Para a compreensão da implantação da escola em tempo integral, vale-se do pensamento de Saviani (2003), Falsarella (2004), Temporini e Machado (2011), Coelho (2013), Oliveira (2014). A interpretação dos diferentes paradigmas de gestão na educação escolar ancora-se nos estudos de Ferreira (2003), Lima (2004), Paro (2007). O materialismo histórico dialético norteia a pesquisa, possibilitando uma visão da totalidade do real e vislumbrando na luta de classes o cerne da contradição engendrada pela sociedade capitalista. Com o desenvolvimento do estudo de caso nesta pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, emergiram as seguintes categorias que foram analisadas: 1. Concepção de educação em tempo integral; 2. Condições de implantação da escola de tempo integral. Essa segunda compreende três subcategorias: 2.1 Tempo: ampliação da jornada escolar; 2.2 Estrutura física 2.3 e Gestão democrática. O Programa de Fomento à Implementação de Escolas em Tempo Integral tem sido bem avaliado pelos sujeitos participantes dessa pesquisa, todavia, existem diversas implicações apontadas por esses sujeitos que exigem um alto nível de organização para a articulação no Projeto Político- Pedagógico (PPP), com fundamentação teórico-crítica que deve se revelar na postura do gestor escolar com a implementação da gestão democrática na instituição, como princípio constitucional.

The topic of the thesis are so-called "new ecclesiastical laws" accepted in 1949, that had served as one of the power tools for the oppression of the Churches and the control over the society. Within the chapters in sequence I deal with the description and genesis of these new ecclesiastical laws, received by Czechoslovak communist regime in 1949 and their importance not only for the confessional law of the following period until now. In this context I ask the question what are the extent effects not only for the life of the Churches, esp. the Catholic Church, but also for the mentality of the contemporary Czech society in relationship with the Church. This thesis is concerned with three spheres that are necessarily interconnected: First, the legislation of these laws themselves, second, the social reception of the Church interlinked with these laws, and third sphere is also the projection of these laws into the political rhetoric nowadays. The goal of the thesis is to reveal the deep interconnection and dynamics of the three spheres given, and explore how the way they were manifested in the past, and have consequently been manifested until these days. Keywords Czechoslovakia, 1949, ecclesiastical laws, the power and the law, present time: law, society and politics.

Dans le chapitre du Contrat social consacré à la mort du corps politique, Rousseau rappelle que cette mort est « la pente naturelle et inévitable des Gouvernements les mieux constitués ». En effet, poursuit-il, « si Sparte et Rome ont péri, quel État peut espérer de durer toujours ? Si nous voulons former un établissement durable, ne songeons donc point à le rendre éternel ». Malgré l’avertissement de Rousseau, la tendance à rendre l’ordre politique éternel semble être un phénomène constant, jusqu’à nos jours. En témoigne l’idée d’une « fin de l’histoire » résultant de l’alliance du capitalisme et de la démocratie libérale, ou d’un modèle occidental se comprenant comme la réalisation du seul but de l’histoire, à laquelle ne s’opposeraient que des puissances « retardatrices ». À travers ces phénomènes se manifeste une « politique du temps », un discours de légitimation de l’ordre politique donnant un sens politique à sa dimension temporelle.Compris de cette manière, le problème que pose la « politique du temps » ne peut être abordé par une critique limitée à ses derniers avatars, telle la thèse de la fin de l’histoire. Il est au contraire nécessaire de remonter à la racine du problème, c’est-à-dire à la place qu’occupe cette question au sein du rapport entre temps et politique. Si la politique du temps s’avère aussi tenace, c’est en effet parce qu’elle s’inscrit dans un questionnement intrinsèquement lié à l’ordre politique, confronté à la nécessité d’assurer son « être-dans-le-temps ». La politique du temps répond à cette nécessité par une politisation du temps et de l’histoire pouvant conduire, dans sa forme extrême, à une éternisation de l’ordre politique, qui prétend alors englober la totalité du temps, du passé au futur.Compte tenu de la persistance de cette conception temporelle de l’ordre politique, de même qu’il ne suffit pas de limiter la critique à ses avatars actuels, de même serait-il impropre de la diriger contre sa seule forme extrême, dans la mesure où ce sont précisément certains discours proclamant la fin des idéologies qui tendent à reproduire aujourd’hui les structures de la politique du temps. Par conséquent, ce n’est qu’en abordant dans son ensemble le problème formé par la atemporalisation du politique et la politisation du temps qu’il est possible d’attaquer à la racine ce type de discours de légitimation, sous toutes ses formes.Pour mener à bien ce projet, deux objectifs complémentaires, correspondant aux deux fils directeurs de l’analyse, sont traités en parallèle. D’une part, nous proposons de systématiser la question du temps politique afin de montrer les grands traits communs aux phénomènes qui s’y rattachent et quelles directions s’ouvrent à la critique. Le second axe de lecture met l’accent sur les œuvres d’Eric Voegelin et de Karl Löwith en tant qu’elles apportent une contribution décisive tant à la systématisation du problème que, surtout, à son dépassement.Notre hypothèse de départ est que Löwith et Voegelin eux-mêmes sont conscients de la relation problématique entre temps et politique et cherchent, par l’intermédiaire de la dimension temporelle, à aborder un problème politique dont l’importance s’explique non seulement par la situation historique à laquelle ils sont directement confrontés, mais aussi par sa valeur systématique intrinsèque, en tant qu’il représente une évolution de la conception du politique. Tous deux sont convaincus de la nécessité de surmonter le nihilisme et l’absence de toute fondation durable en tant que tels, c’est-à-dire de surmonter la temporalisation radicale de l’ordre politique, mais également les tentatives visant à l’éterniser. C’est dans ce cadre que prennent sens leurs projets, qui cherchent à dissocier le politique et le temps et, en repensant leur relation, à éviter que tout point de référence permanent ne soit dissout par le cours du temps sans toutefois produire une éternité artificielle et absolue. / In the chapter of the Social Contract on the death of the body politic, Rousseau emphasizes that its death is “the natural and inevitable propensity even of the best constituted governments”. Indeed, he continues, “if Sparta and Rome have perished, what state can hope to last for ever? If we want the constitution we have established to endure, let us not seek, therefore, to make it eternal”. Despite Rousseau’s warning, the tendency to make the political order eternal seems to be a pervasive phenomenon even in our time, as can be seen in the idea of an “end of history” that results from the combination of capitalism and liberal democracy, or in a Western model conceived as the realisation of the sole aim of history that only “delaying” powers would resist. These are examples of a “politics of time”, a concept that refers to a type of discourse contributing to the legitimization of the political order by giving a political meaning to its temporal dimension. Understood in this way, the problem of the “politics of time” cannot be addressed by focusing only on its recent developments, such as the “end of history” thesis, it is also crucial to understand these developments in the broader context of the relation between time and politics. Consequently, only a fundamental critique can put an end to the “politics of time”. The origin of the persistence of the “politics of time” has to be traced back to an essential problem that the political order is facing, namely the necessity to ensure its existence in time. The “politics of time” answers this problem by politicizing time and history, which can lead, in its most extreme form, to an eternisation of the political order that pretends to last for all time.Considering that this temporal conception of the political order is still widely present in many contemporary discourses, it would be insufficient to limit the critique to contemporary phenomena or to the extreme forms of the politics of time in modern ideologies, since precisely some proclamations of the end of ideologies tend to repeat the structure of the politics of time. It is therefore necessary to tackle the problem of the temporalisation of politics and politicisation of time as a whole. This is the only way to question the different occurrences of this kind of legitimising discourse.To achieve this, this study has two parallel aims. First, I begin by reconstructing a systematic account of the question of political time in order to highlight the main characteristics of the phenomena that are related to it. My second aim is to analyse Eric Voegelin’s and Karl Löwith’s works regarding their contribution to the systematisation of the problem, but first and foremost insofar as they offer an answer to it.Central to this work is the claim that Löwith and Voegelin not only develop a theory of the problematic relation between time and politics, but also defend a solution to tackle this problem. This problem, as they see it, is not restricted to their particular historical situation but remains of interest as an evolution of the concept of the political itself. Both Löwith and Voegelin are convinced that nihilism and the lack of any durable foundation must be overcome as such or, in other words, that it is necessary to overcome not only the temporalisation of the political order but also the attempts to “eternalise” it. The meaning and significance of Löwith’s and Voegelin’s projects appear clearly in this framework, as they can be seen as two attempts to dissociate the political from the temporal and, by reworking this relation, to prevent the relativisation of any durable foundation in the flow of time without, however, creating an artificial and absolute eternity.