Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-05T16:01:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline Perrotti.pdf: 2122978 bytes, checksum: 5d9e7107218e9d0c3e56e735af5dedaa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T16:01:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aline Perrotti.pdf: 2122978 bytes, checksum: 5d9e7107218e9d0c3e56e735af5dedaa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-06 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnologia / This research analyses the discoursive interactions as well as the narrative paths of the Brazilian protests of June 2013 inside two documentaries. We start from the analysis of the constitutive elements in the expression plan, homologated in the contents plan, and investigates the construction of simulacrums of the mediatic addressers in the time of the protests. The corpus analyzed is composed of two movies, the first one being an independent production and the second one an institutional production: Com Vandalismo and Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil. The enunciates contextualized sometimes on the streets sometimes by the narrators in debate, points out that the interrelations between the subjects Public Power, Society and Media, have built conflicting narrative programs. Similarly there is the presence of distinct objects of that value that, in most cases, as we see, did not have their possession achieved by the subjects protesters. Also from the figurativization we identify conflicts of interest between actors. We note that the construction of the actantial and thematic roles of social subjects of the protests operated by media addressers articulated changes in the discursive direction along the narrative path of the protests. In Com Vandalismo we have the subject (pacific-protester) and anti-subject (vandal-protester) competing for visibility on the streets, having been modalized by the breach of contract with the government and the provocative manipulation procedure of traditional media. These interactions lead us to believe that the relations between subjects in the protests present a population that lacks adequate political education to cope with their governments when they fail to comply with the democratic contract. In Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil we have different strategies of manipulation that the traditional media had used during the period of the protests. The addresser Folha de S. Paulo uses the fiduciary already consolidated with their public to make-believe that all modalization performed by the mainstream media in the period converged with the "public opinion”. However, we observed that all modalizations performed by this addresser operated more in the order of veridiction about his own speech than in giving a political knowledge to the adressees; thus mobilizing many non-politicized subject to the protests, and generating dissemination of guidelines that resulted in transformations in the popular protests. We conducted this research in light of semiotics of Algirdas-Julien Greimas, sociossemiotics of Eric Landowski, in addition to studies of José Luiz Fiorin, Ana Claudia de Oliveira on significance and media interactions, and yet the film theorist Bill Nichols to treat the documentaries. The importance of this work rests on the fact that the journeys of June 2013 had been a landmark of political insurgencies in Brazil. We identify in the protests and discussions in the movies interactions that can base further research to understand other sociopolitical events that followed from that landmark, since it was found the great manipulative potential of the media, which makes people do things, even the not cognitively competencialized ones / Esta pesquisa analisa as interações discursivas bem como os percursos narrativos dos protestos de junho de 2013 em dois documentários. Parte da análise dos elementos constitutivos no plano da expressão, homologados no plano do conteúdo, e investiga a construção de simulacros dos destinadores midiáticos no período dos protestos. O corpus analisado é composto de dois filmes, o primeiro de produção independente e o segundo de produção institucional: Com Vandalismo e Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil. Os enunciados contextualizados ora nas ruas ora pelos narradores em debate, apontam que as inter-relações entre os sujeitos Poder Público, Sociedade e Mídias, constituíram programas narrativos conflitantes. Da mesma forma há a presença de distintos objetos de valor que, em sua maioria, como constatamos, não tiveram sua posse alcançada pelos sujeitos manifestantes. Também a partir da figurativização identificamos conflitos de interesses entre atores. Observamos que a construção dos papéis actanciais e temáticos dos sujeitos sociais dos protestos operada pelos destinadores midiáticos articulou mudanças de direcionamento discursivo ao longo do percurso narrativo dos protestos. Em Com Vandalismo temos sujeito (manifestante-pacífico) e antissujeito (manifestante-vândalo) que disputam visibilidade nas ruas, tendo sido modalizados pela quebra contratual do Poder Público e pelo procedimento de manipulação provocativa das mídias tradicionais. Essas interações nos levam a crer que as relações entre sujeitos nos protestos apresentam uma população que carece de formação política adequada para fazer frente aos seus governantes quando estes descumprirem o contrato democrático. Em Junho: o mês que abalou o Brasil temos diferentes estratégias de manipulação que as mídias tradicionais se utilizaram no período. O destinador Folha de S. Paulo faz uso da fidúcia já consolidada com o público para fazer-crer que toda modalização executada pelas mídias tradicionais no período convergia com a “opinião pública”. Todavia, observamos que as modalizações executadas por esse destinador operaram mais na ordem da veridicção sobre seu próprio discurso do que na doação de um saber político para os destinatários, mobilizando assim muitos sujeitos não-politizados para os protestos, e gerando difusão de pautas que resultaram em transformações nas manifestações populares. Conduzimos essa investigação à luz da semiótica de Algirdas-Julien Greimas, da sociossemiótica de Eric Landowski, além dos estudos de José Luiz Fiorin, de Ana Claudia de Oliveira sobre significação e interações midiáticas, e ainda do teórico de cinema Bill Nichols para tratar os documentários. A importância desse trabalho repousa sobre o fato das jornadas de junho de 2013 terem sido um marco histórico dos movimentos políticos insurgentes no país. Identificamos nos protestos e discussões interações discursivas que podem embasar pesquisas posteriores para compreender outros eventos sociopolíticos que se seguiram a partir desse marco, uma vez que foi constatado o grande potencial manipulativo das mídias, que faz-fazer mesmo sujeitos não competencializados cognitivamente em determinado tema

Este trabalho refere-se aos saques e quebra-quebras deflagrados na capital paulista nos dias 4, 5 e 6 de abril de 1983. A partir do exame de reportagens, notícias, artigos, editoriais, cartas de leitores, propagandas e comunicados pagos veiculados nos jornais O Estado de S.Paulo e Folha de S.Paulo, entre 5 e 10 de abril, procurou-se identificar e analisar as representações desses acontecimentos nas diferentes esferas do poder e da sociedade. Para tanto, considerou-se os protestos populares no contexto social, político e econômico em que estavam inseridos movimentos sociais organizados nas periferias de São Paulo ao longo da década de 1970, o processo de abertura política e a crise recessiva. Buscouse ainda compreender o significado das ações diretas como formas de luta reivindicatória e a potencialidade reveladora e transformadora das rebeldias sociais. / This paper is about the popular protest that took place, in the capital of São Paulo, on April 4th, 5th and 6th, 1983. From the investigation of news, news articles, editorials, letters from readers, publicities and paid announcements from the newspapers O Estado de S. Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo between April 5th and April 10th , this study identifies and analyzes the representations of these events on the strata of society and power. Furthermore, it was taken into consideration the popular manifestations in the social, political and economical context in which they belonged organized social movement in the outskirts of São Paulo city during the 1970s decade, the gradual democratization process and the economical crisis. Besides that, this study tried to understand the meaning of direct actions as a way of fighting for peoples rights as well as the potential power of change and disclosure of the social rebellions.

Este trabalho refere-se aos saques e quebra-quebras deflagrados na capital paulista nos dias 4, 5 e 6 de abril de 1983. A partir do exame de reportagens, notícias, artigos, editoriais, cartas de leitores, propagandas e comunicados pagos veiculados nos jornais O Estado de S.Paulo e Folha de S.Paulo, entre 5 e 10 de abril, procurou-se identificar e analisar as representações desses acontecimentos nas diferentes esferas do poder e da sociedade. Para tanto, considerou-se os protestos populares no contexto social, político e econômico em que estavam inseridos movimentos sociais organizados nas periferias de São Paulo ao longo da década de 1970, o processo de abertura política e a crise recessiva. Buscouse ainda compreender o significado das ações diretas como formas de luta reivindicatória e a potencialidade reveladora e transformadora das rebeldias sociais. / This paper is about the popular protest that took place, in the capital of São Paulo, on April 4th, 5th and 6th, 1983. From the investigation of news, news articles, editorials, letters from readers, publicities and paid announcements from the newspapers O Estado de S. Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo between April 5th and April 10th , this study identifies and analyzes the representations of these events on the strata of society and power. Furthermore, it was taken into consideration the popular manifestations in the social, political and economical context in which they belonged organized social movement in the outskirts of São Paulo city during the 1970s decade, the gradual democratization process and the economical crisis. Besides that, this study tried to understand the meaning of direct actions as a way of fighting for peoples rights as well as the potential power of change and disclosure of the social rebellions.

This thesis in an exploration of political mobilisation and its relation to violence and control in the townships of the Vaal Triangle, South Africa, c.1976 to 1986, with a particular focus on the Vaal Uprising of 1984. It examines the emerging conflict between councillors and local communities and the redrawing of imagined boundaries of community. Councillors were demarcated as a collective group that was perceived to be violating the social contract and were regarded as being obstacles to meaningful political change. The period saw the emergence of a localised discourse around accountability, political legitimacy, transparency, freedom and community. Political subjectivities were influenced by the straddling of everyday experiences of oppression, violence, inequality and poverty on one hand and the impact of ideologies of freedom and liberation on the other. The latter were promoted by the African National Congress in exile, as well as the United Democratic Front, but these organisations did not provide direct leadership. On 3 September 1984 the conflict escalated, sparked by an announcement to increase rent, service tariffs and municipal levies. It led to a large-scale uprising that altered the political and social landscape. It heralded the beginning of the insurrectionary period of the mid-1980s that brought the most sustained challenge to the apartheid regime. The relative success of the uprising in enforcing concessions from local authorities and the departure of councillors from the townships informed subsequent political strategies. The state attempted to win Hearts and Minds with limited reforms but also used heavy-handed repression. Terror began to escalate and state violence further conscientised and radicalised local communities. Youth activists in particular came to believe that the regime could only be overcome if confronted with strategies of political violence. Alleged informers and black policemen came under increasing attack, reflecting a redrawing of boundaries of community and hindering effective policing.