Iraq has since post conflict of 2003 administrated the Euphrates and Tigris River in accordance to the countries plan management. It is researched in this study how the Iraqi Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government have managed and prioritized its water resource comparing the Euphrates and Tigris River flowing through Western and Northern Iraq. The focus is also on approaches and the alternative consequences derived from different management perspectives. It is concluded in this study that there are different priorities and management approaches in Iraqi Government and Kurdistan Regional Government. Iraqi Government has not managed Euphrates River as needed post conflict of 2003 where the approach is not satisfactory to resolve the problem facing the Euphrates River. It can become an underlying problem to an additional distress among the population which can heighten the risk for disputes and uprising of further conflicts in the region if the problems are not solved in Western Iraq. Tigris River that is also managed by the Iraqi Government has not been the top priority and there are unsolved problems around the river. The distress amongst the population can outburst in a bad manner if problems not solved surrounding the Tigris River. However the tributaries that flow through Kurdistan Regional Government to the Tigris River are of better condition more attention is directed to water management and there are aspirations for meeting the challenges and well as changing management approach. Kurdistan Regional Government has managed to prioritize and manage water from the tributaries better than Iraqi Government.

The aim of this thesis is to observe how media and activism can be a part of the post-conflict peace building in Bosnia as well as to highlight the work and importance of NGOs in the country. This thesis will focus on how these NGOs work with media and activism in order to contribute to the post-conflict peace building. Further, it will analyze elements of civic activism as well as grassroots activism to see how the organizations implement these in their work. Eight interviews have been conducted with two participants from four NGOs in the country. The result shows that whilst ethnic divisions still largely characterize the contemporary Bosnian society, there are instances where ethnic differences have been disregarded. Further, the result shows that the everyday work of these organizations showcase a great example of how ethnic divisions can be combated and how social change can be achieved.

This dissertation focuses on international actors' response to the ethnic cleansing perpetrated during the 1992 – 1995 Bosnian War. The work illuminates the multilateral attempt to reverse one of the outcomes of ethnic cleansing following the war, through the return of displaced people. The policy emphasis on "re-mixing" people, interpreted through a strategy of minority returns, and supported and coordinated on an international scale, was unprecedented. This dissertation asks: why did powerful states and international organizations pursue a re-mixing policy as a response to ethnic cleansing in Bosnia? At first glance, the choice seems counterintuitive. The policy was expensive. Post-1989, the West no longer needed "to keep Yugoslavia afloat." Furthermore, reversal required a degree and duration of international involvement that, at the time, was thought to be politically, militarily, and financially impossible. There are two existing explanations for this surprising phenomenon: international moralism and norm evolutionism. International moralists posit that international actors were moved to re-mix Bosnians out of a sense of guilt. Norm evolutionists argue that international norms governing appropriate responses to ethnic cleansing have shifted during the twentieth century towards support for re-mixing. In contrast to these two dominant views, this dissertation argues that the re-mixing policy initially emerged as a practical fix to a series of pressing, context-specific political challenges. State policymakers justified the re-mixing policy, however, on normative grounds. Though not the original incentive for action, international organizations on the ground then adopted the policy, empowered by states' normative justifications and thereby transformed the political rhetoric into concrete action. This dissertation corrects a common assumption that the origins and motivations behind the re-mixing policy were normative in nature, it contributes to a better understanding of how normative discourses emerge, mature, and transform into policy and it offers policy recommendations based on lessons learnt from this important and seemingly contradictory case.