Grassroots activist groups have received limited attention in Australia and research-based examinations of their communication and relationship to social change are rare. My central research question asks: what changes are occurring in the approach of grassroots activists to contemporary communication, and, as a form of social relations, does this differ from the approach of state and business organisations? My thesis analyses the scope and significance of three grassroots activists’ campaigns in south-west Victoria, Australia, between 1995 and 2003 that are distinctive for their sustained vigour and inclusive, ethical and novel approaches to communication. They are: Werribee Residents Against Toxic Dump (WRATD), Batesford and Geelong Action Group (BAGAG) and Otway Ranges Environment Network (OREN). My thesis also focuses on the groups’ response to public relations issued by the state and business interests they opposed. To investigate the case study data – that is face to face interviews with case study participants, media transcripts and textual samples from the campaigns, such as flyers and newsletters – I use a double research methodology: discourse analysis and reception analysis. These methods reveal how meanings are created that influence power and control in society and any transformations in this. As an overarching framework for analysis, I apply Ulrich Beck’s theories of risk society, reflexive modernisation and individualisation. These theories discuss social conditions transforming the contemporary world. In particular, I use them to explain the growth of sub-political networks, what grassroots activists seek to promote and their capacity to create change in state and business sectors. I also draw on a range of other communicative and citizenship theories that shed light on some of the invisible effects of communication on society, particularly unethical practices. Lastly, my thesis sets out an alternative set of social relations to public relations that I call ‘public communication’. The principles of public communication are distilled from the case studies and are inclusive of all organisational types and seek to address the inherent problems and flawed coherences of public relations. The results of this research provide policy decision makers, educators, activists and other communication strategists with deep and unusual understanding of public communication and public relations and its relationship to social change. Overall, this thesis explores a rupture – a point of transformation in the relationship between contemporary civil, state and business sectors in Australia and the surfacing of a new discursive formation. In particular, it explores a transformation in texts, discursive practice and social practice (Fairclough 1999) and analyses its significance, within an emerging and distinct discursive formation, peculiar to late modernity.

This dissertation addresses native activism in response to United States and Mexico border enforcement policies on the U.S.-Mexico border among indigenous peoples whose communities are divided by the international line. Fieldwork for the dissertation was conducted in collaboration with an indigenous grassroots community organization with members in both the U.S. and Mexico who advocate for rights of border mobility among native border peoples. This work discusses the impacts of border enforcement policies on native community cultural maintenance, local interpretations and uses of international human rights tools, and the challenges faced by U.S.-Mexico border native activists in communicating their ideologies to a broader public. This work further addresses the complex identity construction of Native Americans with cultural ties to Mexico, and conflations of race and nationality that result in distinct forms of intra-community racism.

The reliance upon and depletion of fossil fuels as an energy source puts pressure on individuals, communities, energy companies, and policy-makers. Hydraulic fracturing – known colloquially as fracking – as a method of drilling for oil and natural gas temporarily alleviates this pressure since it allows for the extraction previously inaccessible fossil fuels in shale rock deposits deep beneath the Earth’s surface. This has resulted in a nationwide “fracking boom,” which has come with its share of economic benefits. However, the process of fracking can be detrimental to human and environmental health. In reaction to the increasing development of this practice, many communities across the country are mobilizing against fracking. This thesis will focus on the grassroots activism against fracking in New York, where fracking was banned in December 2014, and in California, which is largely slated as the next frontier for the expansion of fracking and thus battleground for the fight against fracking. Using grassroots academic literature, media coverage of fracking and activism in each state, and interviews from organizers working in each state, this thesis will examine the motivations, frameworks, strategies, and tactics used in each grassroots campaign in order to offer lessons in successes and opportunities for improvement within these anti-fracking efforts and others across the country.

The aim of this thesis is to observe how media and activism can be a part of the post-conflict peace building in Bosnia as well as to highlight the work and importance of NGOs in the country. This thesis will focus on how these NGOs work with media and activism in order to contribute to the post-conflict peace building. Further, it will analyze elements of civic activism as well as grassroots activism to see how the organizations implement these in their work. Eight interviews have been conducted with two participants from four NGOs in the country. The result shows that whilst ethnic divisions still largely characterize the contemporary Bosnian society, there are instances where ethnic differences have been disregarded. Further, the result shows that the everyday work of these organizations showcase a great example of how ethnic divisions can be combated and how social change can be achieved.

<p>Den liberala ekonomiska globaliseringen har lett till att Indien öppnat upp sin ekonomi och landets politiker välkomnar idag utländska investeringar såsom multinationella företag i hopp om ekonomisk tillväxt. Då Coca Cola Company etablerade en fabrik i byn Plachimada i södra Indien medförde detta miljöproblem i form av vattenbrist och förgiftning, vilket i sin tur ledde till stora sociala problem för byns befolkning. Idag är fabriken stängd på grund av invånarnas långvariga och kollektiva protester i vilka byns kvinnor varit särskilt aktiva. Studiens syfte är att söka kunskap om hur Coca Cola Companys etablering i Plachimada liksom det kollektiva motståndet mot fabriken har påverkat identiteten hos de kvinnor som varit aktiva i motståndet. Syftet är vidare att skapa förståelse för hur kvinnorna ser på ”västvärlden” liksom på sig själva i förhållande till väst. Utifrån studiens syfte har ett kvalitativt och reflexivt arbetssätt tillämpats där ett empiriskt material insamlats genom sex semistrukturerade djupintervjuer med kvinnor bosatta i Plachimada, kombinerat med observationer. Det empiriska materialet har analyserats utifrån teorier om empowerment, kollektiv identitet samt postkolonialism. Resultatet visar att kvinnorna genom deltagandet i protesterna känner sig stärkta, upplever att de har fått större kunskap samt en känsla av stolthet. Studien visar vidare på att det verkar finnas en närvaro både av en identifiering med hembyn – Plachimada och med nationen – Indien hos kvinnorna vi har intervjuat. Resultatet visar även på tankar bland intervjupersonerna som tyder på att koloniala maktstrukturer finns närvarande i kvinnornas syn på sig själva i relation till västvärlden.</p> / <p>The liberal economic globalization has led to the opening of the Indian economy and in hope for economic growth, the Indian government today welcome foreign investments such as multinational corporations. When Coca Cola Company established a factory in the village of Plachimada in the south of India, this led to environmental problems such as water shortage and contamination, which in turn caused big social problems for the villagers. Today the factory is closed as a result of the villagers’ collective protests in which the women of Plachimada have been particularly active. The aim of this study is to seek knowledge about how Coca Cola Company’s establishment in Plachimada as well as the collective protests against the factory has effected the identity of the women who have been active in the protests. The aim is further to create an understanding of how the women perceive the western world as well as themselves in relation to the western world. To accomplish the aim a qualitative and reflexive method was chosen, where an empirical material was collected through six semi structured interviews with women living in Plachimada, combined with observations. The empirical material has been analyzed using theoretical perspectives of empowerment, collective identity and post colonialism. The result shows that the women, through participation in the protests, experience themselves stronger, find that they got more knowledge as well as a feeling of pride. Furthermore the study shows a presence of identification among the women with the village – Plachimada and the nation – India. The result also denotes that colonial power structures are present in the ways the women perceive themselves in relation to the western world.</p>

Den liberala ekonomiska globaliseringen har lett till att Indien öppnat upp sin ekonomi och landets politiker välkomnar idag utländska investeringar såsom multinationella företag i hopp om ekonomisk tillväxt. Då Coca Cola Company etablerade en fabrik i byn Plachimada i södra Indien medförde detta miljöproblem i form av vattenbrist och förgiftning, vilket i sin tur ledde till stora sociala problem för byns befolkning. Idag är fabriken stängd på grund av invånarnas långvariga och kollektiva protester i vilka byns kvinnor varit särskilt aktiva. Studiens syfte är att söka kunskap om hur Coca Cola Companys etablering i Plachimada liksom det kollektiva motståndet mot fabriken har påverkat identiteten hos de kvinnor som varit aktiva i motståndet. Syftet är vidare att skapa förståelse för hur kvinnorna ser på ”västvärlden” liksom på sig själva i förhållande till väst. Utifrån studiens syfte har ett kvalitativt och reflexivt arbetssätt tillämpats där ett empiriskt material insamlats genom sex semistrukturerade djupintervjuer med kvinnor bosatta i Plachimada, kombinerat med observationer. Det empiriska materialet har analyserats utifrån teorier om empowerment, kollektiv identitet samt postkolonialism. Resultatet visar att kvinnorna genom deltagandet i protesterna känner sig stärkta, upplever att de har fått större kunskap samt en känsla av stolthet. Studien visar vidare på att det verkar finnas en närvaro både av en identifiering med hembyn – Plachimada och med nationen – Indien hos kvinnorna vi har intervjuat. Resultatet visar även på tankar bland intervjupersonerna som tyder på att koloniala maktstrukturer finns närvarande i kvinnornas syn på sig själva i relation till västvärlden. / The liberal economic globalization has led to the opening of the Indian economy and in hope for economic growth, the Indian government today welcome foreign investments such as multinational corporations. When Coca Cola Company established a factory in the village of Plachimada in the south of India, this led to environmental problems such as water shortage and contamination, which in turn caused big social problems for the villagers. Today the factory is closed as a result of the villagers’ collective protests in which the women of Plachimada have been particularly active. The aim of this study is to seek knowledge about how Coca Cola Company’s establishment in Plachimada as well as the collective protests against the factory has effected the identity of the women who have been active in the protests. The aim is further to create an understanding of how the women perceive the western world as well as themselves in relation to the western world. To accomplish the aim a qualitative and reflexive method was chosen, where an empirical material was collected through six semi structured interviews with women living in Plachimada, combined with observations. The empirical material has been analyzed using theoretical perspectives of empowerment, collective identity and post colonialism. The result shows that the women, through participation in the protests, experience themselves stronger, find that they got more knowledge as well as a feeling of pride. Furthermore the study shows a presence of identification among the women with the village – Plachimada and the nation – India. The result also denotes that colonial power structures are present in the ways the women perceive themselves in relation to the western world.

Rhetoricians have long been interested in public policy discourse. However, studies have yet to apply the micro-lens of writing process to this context. One consequence is that, while studies of policy discourse point to the complexity of this area, they do not investigate the writing behaviors this complexity inspires. Secondly, while studies of writing process in other areas of rhetoric allow us to theorize process, our theories are typically based on more structured writing environments—such as the classroom, academic discipline, and professional workplace. As a consequence, we know less about invention and other writing processes in more unpredictable, explicitly contested settings. To address these gaps, this dissertation presents a process-based case study of collaborative writing within the context of policy and legal discourse. The case study tracks the year-long work of a group of advocates who attempted to establish Domestic Partner Benefits (DPB) at a large public university. Due to legal restrictions, the writers could not assume a clear authority as they attempted to write a policy proposal together. In meetings in which they invented ideas, a prominent behavior emerged in their talk, what this dissertation refers to as role-play work. Role-play work is a theory of rhetorical invention in which writers propose roles for themselves and their audiences, develop arguments from within those roles, and try to identify how they might be recognized or misrecognized as a consequence of assuming roles. Tracing patterns in the writers’ talk, this dissertation describes role-play work at three critical junctures: in the early stages, when the group lacks legal resources, during a tumultuous hunger strike in which the institution delivers its interpretation of the law, and during the group’s later writing process, when the group has a working understanding of a legal argument they can propose. This dissertation analyzes how writers use role-play to engage authoritative discourse that manifests at each stage: first, to imaginatively co-construct what might be authoritative, next, to confront authority-as-articulated, and finally, to understand the nuance of a potentially authoritative argument. Findings presented in this dissertation may be relevant to scholarship in professional and technical communication, collaborative writing and invention, writing process research, policy discourse, discourse analysis, and queer studies. / text

Graves discusses the important role that women played in the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was a controversial and divisive piece of legislation that polarized both legislators and constituents throughout the United States. Graves uses the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia as a model for studying the women who opposed the ERA on a national level. She writes about the differences between the feminist movement and the conservative grassroots movement, the role that anti-ERA women played in the rise of the New Right, and the legacy of the ERA’s failure in contemporary political context. Graves uses interviews and primary resource documents of the women involved in the campaign as well as a plethora of scholarly materials previously written about the ERA.

Aux États-Unis, les villes connaissent une crise urbaine qui se manifeste par l’existence de quartiers centraux détériorés, concentrant les minorités pauvres. Les quartiers de Jefferson-Mack (Detroit) et Hunts Point (South Bronx, New York) en sont des archétypes. Ils sont pourtant animés par d’importantes mobilisations civiques, se focalisant sur des questions environnementales et alimentaires. Le but de ce travail est d’évaluer le potentiel d’initiatives environnementales et alimentaires à améliorer les conditions de vie des habitants des inner cities. La première partie, en mobilisant un corpus d’études urbaines, présente ces quartiers comme les produits d’une crise urbaine structurelle. Nous mettons en évidence que les habitants y subissent une « crise urbaine de l’habiter », dans laquelle les nuisances, les pollutions et le manque d’accessibilité aux ressources environnementales et alimentaires, sont déterminants pour comprendre l’essor des mobilisations. La deuxième partie explique le rôle des mobilisations civiques environnementales et alimentaires dans ces quartiers. En nous appuyant sur les corpus de la justice environnementale et alimentaire, nous démontrons que l’hybridation des questions environnementales, alimentaires, sociales et spatiales a reconfiguré l’action collective. La troisième partie analyse les enjeux de la réappropriation du territoire, à partir du corpus des commons studies. À travers le cas de l’agriculture urbaine et d’autres pratiques établies sur des espaces vacants, nous montrons que la réappropriationdu territoire procure de multiples bénéfices. Loin d’être cantonnée aux domaines environnementaux et alimentaires, elle permet d’améliorer partiellement – mais non sans heurts – les conditions de l’habiter. / American cities are still affected by the urban crisis, patent through the existence of low-income inner city neighborhoods, concentrating the urban poor and ethnic minorities. The neighborhoods of Jefferson-Mack (Detroit) and Hunts Point (South Bronx, New York) are both considered icons of the urban crisis. Yet they witness substantial environmental and food justice activism. The purpose of this thesis is to understand how grassroots environmental and food practices can be used to improve living conditions for inner city communities. The first section analyzes how these two blighted neighborhoods are products of a structural urban crisis. By using a corpus of urban studies on urban decline, we demonstrate how the daily lives of residents reveal a “crisis of urban living” in which noxious uses and pollution as well as limited environmental and food access are key factors triggering grassroots activism. The second section is grounded in a corpus of studies on environmental and food justice, in order to explore the role of environmental and food justice activism in these neighborhoods. We defend that the hybridity between environmental, food, social and spatial issues reconfigured grassroots activism. The third section mobilizes a corpus of commons studies to analyze the challenges of reclaiming urban space. By studying the rise of urban agriculture and other environmental amenities occurring on vacant land, we explore the multiple benefits of community urban space reclamation. Beyond environmental and food benefits, and despitesome conflicting issues, reclaiming urban space allows transformative processes to noticeably yet incompletely improve living conditions.